Important: In Jumland (Chittagong Hill Tracts) the Jummo/ Jumma are Buddhist (Changma/ chakma, marma), Hinduist (Tripura), Christian and animist but Bengali settlers and the army are muslims from Bangladesh.
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BONO BHANTE'S PARINIRVANA
Devasish Roy-Wangza
Muslim settler attacks in Marishya and Dighinala
chtnews.com
News No. 161/2011, December 14, 2011
http://www.wikileaks.ch/cable/2005/09/05DHAKA4390.html
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On Thu, Jul 28, 2011 at 18:27, wasfia nazreen <wasfia.nazreen@gmail.com> wrote:
Pls find my piece on today's news. Pls spread it around & leave your comments if you like. Thanks, wasfia
Dipu Moni, as the special guest speaking for Adibashi rights; 9 August 2008. Courtesy: Adibashi Forum PhotoOnce upon a time, the British called us ‘blacks’, and then later the Pakistani Army called us ‘inferior race.’ Time passes, it is 2011. As International Day of the World’s Indigenous Peoples approaches again this year, Bangladesh is stuck in a quicksand ditch trying to figure out ‘who’ the Adibashis or indigenous of our land really are in the first place! This goes back to the Bangladesh Nationalist Party era, when ministers were first heard saying “Bangladesh has no indigenous people”, but somehow that ideology has leaked into a few heads in the Awami League as well (we hope they are the minority within the party).
The past year saw an intense amount of debate on this issue, with its finale being delivered at the 10th session of the UNPFII (United Nations Permanent Forum on Indigenous Issues), when the First Secretary of the Government of Bangladesh, Iqbal Ahmed, declared in his speech, surely vetted and pre-approved by the home and foreign ministry in Dhaka: “There are no indigenous people in Bangladesh.”
And as the United Nations Economic and Social Council (ECOSOC), the parent body of UNPFII, gathers in Geneva as I type, certain government officials are again raising this issue. On 26th of July, our honourable foreign minister Dr Dipu Moni, held back-to-back meetings with senior diplomats and media editors to “deal with ‘misperceptions’ both at home and abroad about the ethnic minorities.”
“The ethnic minorities in the CHT region have been clearly termed as ‘Tribal’ in the 1997 peace accord, but there are attempts by some vested quarters to establish them as ‘Indigenous’ in some international and UN forums. This is solely aimed at securing a privileged status for an established and legally-accepted entity, at the expense of national identity, image and territorial integrity of Bangladesh.” She said.
Promises and reality
Here is a question for our honourable foreign minister. If this is truly what she believes, why did she accept an invitation as the ‘Special Guest’ to World Indigenous Day, both in 2008 and 2009 (see picture)? Let us extend the question wider than our foreign minister, and ask the same question to our honourable prime minister as well.
Madam prime minister, did you forget the promise, in the 20-points Awami League election manifesto of 2008 (1), based on which the indigenous people and their Bengali supporters put their trust on you on the election day?
That manifesto included the following declaration: (Under “Our Promise, Work Programme and Declaration,” number 18.): “Terrorism, discriminatory treatment and human rights violations against religious and ethnic minorities and indigenous people must come to an end permanently.” The manifesto further stated: “Their entitlement to equal opportunity in all spheres of state and social life will be ensured. Special measures will be taken to secure their original ownership on land, water bodies, and their age-old rights on forest areas.”
The 2008 Awami League manifesto further stated: “All laws and other arrangements discriminatory to minorities, indigenous people and ethnic groups will be repealed. Special privileges will be made available in educational institutions for religious minorities and indigenous people. Such special privileges will also apply for their employment.”
And reading further in the same manifesto, we see: “The 1997 Chittagong Hill Tract Peace Accord will be fully implemented.”
“Thakur ghorey key rey? Ami kola khaini!”
It is, of course, no secret that Bangladesh government’s requests have been ongoing since the UNPFII in May, to remove some portions of the report published by the UNPFII, which called on the government, among others, to undertake a ‘phased withdrawal’ of temporary army camps from the CHT, declare a timeframe for implementation of the peace accord, and establish an independent commission to inquire into ‘human rights violations perpetrated against indigenous peoples’ as per the 1997 CHT Accord that this government signed. We would understand all these steps if it was a BNP government in power, but why are these actions coming from the same party that signed the Accord?
Furthermore, the UNPFII recommended that the UN Department of Peacekeeping Operations (UNPKO) review the military personnel and units who are being sent on UN missions (a source of great pride to all of us as Bangladeshis) to make sure no personnel or units are taken from any that are accused by indigenous Jumma people of violating human rights in the CHT (2).
According to an email I received from one official contacted by GoB, we hear that our government, after having challenged and questioned the locus standi or legal standing of the UNPFII to deal with issues related to the CHT Accord of 1997 on the ground that the peoples of the CHT are “not indigenous”, is reportedly going to request the UN ECOSOC (i) to “delete paragraphs 102(a) and 103 of the report of the tenth session of the UNPFII”; (ii) to “drop mentioning of the term ‘indigenous peoples’ from Para 102(c) and (d) as they are not indigenous peoples’”; (iii) to “scrutinize the procedural aspects of (asking for such a study) the Report by PFII as well as the contents of the report; and (iv) to refrain from “adopting” and/or “endorsing” the report of the UNPFII. And thus we understand the timing of our foreign minister’s session with journalists and foreign missions.
Let me remind our readers that out of the 16 independent experts at the UNPFII, eight are government-nominated and eight are indigenous-nominated. The members nominated by governments are elected by ECOSOC based on the five regional groupings of states normally used at the United Nations (Africa; Asia; Eastern Europe; Latin America and the Caribbean; and Western Europe and other states) (3). When one is questioning the Permanent Forum’s work, it is also questioning direct Government Representative’s work, as expert members! The country representatives, or Permanent Forum members that are government-nominated for this term, represent the following countries: Estonia, Iran, Australia, Russia, Congo, Guatemala, Guyana and Finland. So the GoB has challenged the above-mentioned governments of the countries involved, in addition to the expert mechanism of UNPFII!
What does the UN term as “indigenous?”
The UN system has developed a modern understanding of the term indigenous (4), the first clause of which says: “Self- identification as indigenous peoples at the individual level and accepted by the community as their member.” Aside from this, ‘Historical continuity with pre-colonial and/or pre-settler societies,’ ‘Distinct social, economic or political systems,’ ‘Distinct language, culture and beliefs,’ ‘Form non-dominant groups of society,’ are just some highlights — all of which apply to the inhabitants of CHT as well as the Adibashis of the plain lands of Bangladesh.
According to the UN the most fruitful approach is to identify, rather than define indigenous peoples and hence there is no set definition of indigenous peoples in the UN Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples. Similarly, the UN Declaration on the Rights of Persons belonging to Ethnic, Linguistic or Religious Minorities contains no definition of “minorities” groups. This is the usual custom and practice of the UN when dealing with such population groups. This is based on the fundamental criterion of self-identification as underlined in a number of human rights documents.
The aforesaid UN declaration is also based on the premise that “the term “indigenous” has prevailed as a generic term for many years. In some countries, there may be preference for other terms including tribes, first peoples/nations, aboriginals, ethnic groups, Adivasi, janajati. Occupational and geographical terms like hunter-gatherers, nomads, peasants, hill people, etc. also exist and for all practical purposes can be used interchangeably with “indigenous peoples.”” Tribal and indigenous are often used interchangeably, although in current discourses the term ‘indigenous’ is clearly favoured on account of disparaging connotations of ‘tribal’ in many cultures and contexts, Bangladesh included.
Our foreign minister was quoted as saying “Giving a special and elevated identity to enfranchise only 1.2 percent of the total population of 150 million by disentitling the 98.8 percent cannot be in the national interest of Bangladesh.” We, the Bengalis, the so-called intellectual, ‘superior race’, the MAJORITY and overwhelming politically, socially and economically dominant elite, are afraid of giving the just title to 1 percent of the population?
So what the foreign minister is saying is that by addressing the ‘historic wrong’ of NOT including the excluded, by recognising indigenous status, would ‘elevate’ their status? Actually, such an exercise would not ‘elevate’ their status, but merely draw attention to their historic and current exclusion and marginalisation. The international understanding of the term, ‘Indigenous peoples’, does not provide any status to indigenous peoples, that is superior to that of other peoples. Such a status merely outlines the context of providing citizens of indigenous descent with true equality and non-discrimination in context-specific ways.
We find it derogatory that an honourable minister of a country can say about indigenous people: “They came here as asylum seekers and economic migrants. The original inhabitants or first nationals of Bangladesh are the ethnic Bengalees by descent that constitute nearly 99 percent of the country’s 150 million people.” The above stand of the GoB is discriminatory.
Irrespective of the terminology used in the laws of Bangladesh to refer to the indigenous peoples of the CHT, it is established beyond doubt that the peoples of the CHT are indigenous in accordance with the provisions of the ILO Convention No. 107 on Indigenous and Tribal Populations, which was ratified by Bangladesh in June, 1972, the ILO Convention No 169 and the UN Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples.
As a Bangladeshi, a Bengali, I protest against such statements. As a Bangladeshi working for this country, I protest on behalf of all my Adibashi sisters and brothers, and other friends and colleagues, who continue to work for and with Adibashis towards the development of our Motherland.
On reflection, the government’s attempts to belittle the term “indigenous,” is helping the Adibashi cause in the bigger picture. At the end of the day, the UN (and all its relevant bodies) will still uphold its progressive understanding of indigenous peoples, but now every Jodhu, Modhu, Ram & Shaam is getting to know about the cause – of discrimination and exclusion of Adibashis and acute human rights violation perpetrated against them – that received very scant attention in the last 40 years or so in the international arena!
Now the average citizen of Bangladesh is getting to know about the cause. When the average citizen looks deeply into this issue, I am confident they will reach a conclusion that is very different from that of our foreign minister and our government.
* The author is indebted to research & e-debates amongst IP and progressive Bengali circles.
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Dhaka, July 26 (bdnews24.com) – The foreign minister held back-to-back meetings with senior diplomats and media editors on Tuesday to deal with "misperceptions" both at home and abroad about the ethnic minorities.
In a "candid and open meeting" with the ambassadors and other mission heads, Dipu Moni discussed the issues relating to tribal people in the Chittagong Hill Tracts (CHT) from a historical perspective, her aides said.
"Unfortunately, Bangladesh and the ethnic Bangalee nation remain a victim of global misperception about the ancient anthropological roots, colonial history and our identity as a nation," the minister was quoted to have told the envoys.
The minister began her day addressing the deputy commissioners who have gathered in Dhaka for an annual briefing, then rushed for a meeting with the envoys, before arriving late for the luncheon meeting with the editors and media managers.
At the state guest house Padma, she faced and countered rhetoric from a history professor who sought to define the tribal people beyond the accepted terminology, but largely impressed upon the editors to accept her plea not to call them 'indigenous'.
"In the constitution, all minorities were recognised generically as minorities, and through the 15th amendment, the present government has categorised them as 'ethnic minorities' and no longer only as 'tribal' people," she said.
The minister told both groups Bangladesh was concerned that the 'tribal' people or ethnic minorities in the CHT region were being described as 'indigenous peoples' of the country.
She stressed that they were wrongly called 'indigenous peoples' in two paras of the 2011 Report of the Permanent Forum on Indigenous Issues-PFII, in the context of Chittagong Hill Tracts Peace Accord.
"There is a misplaced linkage between the term 'indigenous peoples' and the identity of the ethnic minorities in the CHT region or implementation of the CHT Peace Accord of 1997," Moni told the envoys.
"This record needs to be set right so that Bangladesh's friends and international partners have the right perception of our historical and ethnic roots as a nation."
"The misperception and misrepresentation of historical facts about the ethnic minorities in the CHT is proving counterproductive for the internal political process and spirit of the CHT accord," Moni added.
"The ethnic minorities in the CHT region have been clearly termed as 'Tribal' in the 1997 peace accord, but there are attempts by some vested quarters to establish them as 'indigenous' in some international and UN forums."
"This is solely aimed at securing a privileged status for an established and legally-accepted entity, at the expense of national identity, image and territorial integrity of Bangladesh."
Citing census of 2001, she said the people of CHT constitute less than 1.2 percent of the total population of Bangladesh.
"Giving a special and elevated identity to enfranchise only 1.2 percent of the total population of 150 million by disentitling the 98.8 percent cannot be in the national interest of Bangladesh."
The foreign minister said very well recorded recent history of the Indian subcontinent and the CHT region reaffirm that the tribal people of CHT migrated to Bangladesh between 16th and 19th centuries from neighbouring countries and Mongoloid nations.
"They came here as asylum seekers and economic migrants."
The original inhabitants or first nationals of Bangladesh are the ethnic Bengalees by descent that constitute nearly 99 percent of the country's 150 million people.
"They have all been original inhabitants of this ancestral land for 4,000 years or more according to archaeological proof found in the 'Wari Bateshwar' excavations."
"The ethnic Bengalees are not colonial settlers, neither are they foreigners or non-indigenous to their own native land and never will be," she stressed.
"We had a very distinct culture, ethnic heritage and language when our colonisation took place and we still uphold the same despite our subsequent religious conversions."
From an institutional and legal point of view, the 'ethnic minorities' or 'late settlers' residing in CHT region had been officially recognised as 'tribal' people in all historical documents and references of the Indian sub-continental and colonial documents, she added. -----------------------------------------------
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Rally at UN calls on Bangladesh to implement 1997 CHT Accord and remove Temporary Army Camps from region
May 24th 2011, United Nations, New York
The International Jumma Organization in association with Friends of CHT, Bangladesh, organized a large rally outside the United Nations. It was attended by large numbers of Jumma people from Bangladesh who now live in the United States. Also in attendance were Bengali people living in New York, and indigenous peoples‟ activists from countries in Latin America, Africa, Asia and Europe who are attending the 10th session of the United Nations Permanent Forum on Indigenous Issues (UNPFII).
Speakers at the rally outside the UN emphasized that the Bangladesh government had signed the 1997 CHT Accord, and therefore had a duty to implement the Accord. The continued militarization of the region was condemned as a major violation of the Accord.
In the opening statement, Victoria Tauli Corpuz, the former chairperson of UN Permanent Forum for Indigenous Issues and current member of Chittagong Hill Tracts Commission, said, “I visited burnt down villages, including Mahalchhari in 2003, and also other villages recently, in the Chittagong Hill Tracts. These are villages burnt down in the presence of the Army. We are asking the UNPFII to look at this. Bangladesh army needs to stop these human rights violations, and there should be investigations into the attacks, which are happening very systematically.”
Dr Dina Siddiqi of Bangladesh, visiting Professor at Columbia University, framed the conflict in terms of the majority Bengali population‟s privileges: “As long as some groups are excluded from full citizenship rights, the majority will have privileges rather than rights- privileges that will be tenuous and need to be secured constantly. We need to rethink the way we understand nationalism – we want to build up a just nationalism, not an exclusionary one, in which asking for rights is not construed as being against the national interest.”
Colonel Kirti Ranjan Chakma, retired officer, Bangladesh Army stated, “The army was given an absolute authority to control the affairs in the CHT. The political government of Bangladesh is practically powerless to decide anything related to CHT. Continued heavy presence of the army contributes to human rights violations in the entire region. We also hear of the involvement of the Army in backing Bengali settlers in their attempts to grab Indigenous Peoples‟ land. For peace to be sustained and prevailed in the CHT, it is necessary that the army should be withdrawn immediately from all temporary camps mounted all over the CHT.”
Both Colonel Chakma and Dr. Dewan emphasized that Jummas are peace-loving people and want to be treated as equal citizens of Bangladesh. They stressed the fact that they were ashamed to come on a world stage and complain about something that is happening in their homeland and in their own country, and urged the government to implement the 1997 Accord.
Chief Wilton Littlechild, Chair of the Peace & Reconciliation Commission of Canada, said, “So long as the sun shines and grass grows and rivers flow, all treaties should be respected, and now these are enshrined in UNDRIP. We support the call of your people for implementation of the CHT Accord-- for demilitarization, resolution of land disputes and full participation of Indigenous Peoples.”
Andrea Carmen, Director, International Indian Treaty Council, said, “We share a common history of common struggles. Our villages were also burnt. You are not alone. US government is a supporter of the Bangladesh military. We will do our best to address your situation, to bring justice and peace.”
Mattias Ahren, President, Saami Council said, “A few years ago I visited CHT. It was beautiful but also sad to see how heavily militarized the area was. The Saami people were also once subject to forced assimilation. We hope your struggle will prevail and soon, and the Saami people show you solidarity.”
Lola Garcia-Alix, Director of IWGIA Secretariat, spoke about her experiences working on Chittagong Hill Tracts issues in the early 1990s. This was the time of the first international attention to human rights violations in the region, which resulted in publication of the landmark study, „Life is Not Ours‟.
Saiti Louwa, from the El-Molo Women‟s Group, Kenya focused on women‟s issues: “We are in solidarity and call upon the Bangladesh government to implement the Accord. As women, we are in solidarity with the women of Bangladesh. We do understand the pain of being excluded and marginalized.”
The event was moderated by Dr Aditya Dewan, President of the International Jumma Organization.
Press Release issued by:
International Jumma Organisation
New York, USA
24 May 2011
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The Indigenous Jummo Peoples of CHT have never been accepted by Bengali Rulers as the citizens of Bangladesh like Majority Muslim populations. They are second-class citizens of Bangladesh. The policy of Bengali Rulers towards the Indigenous Jummo Peoples is always discriminatory.
Very recently, there was a bloody clash between Indigenous Jummo Peoples and Bengali Muslim Settlers where at least two Muslim Settlers died and more than 50 Jummo households burned to ashes. Many Jummos have been seriously injured and missing. It was taken place on 17 April 2011 in Ramgarh and Manikchari Upazillas of Khagrachari Hill District when the Muslim Settlers went to occupy the land of Jummos.
What is the very reason of all these happenings against the Indigenous Jummo Peoples of CHT? The main reason of all incidents against the Jummos is the 'Bengali Muslim Settlement Policy' of Bengali Rulers.
It is important to mention that there was an agreement signed between the Bangladesh Government and the representative of Indigenous Jummo People in 2nd December 1997 to establish peace and stability in the region. The agreement was clearly stated that all temporary Military, Para-military, Armed Police, Ansar camps should be withdrawn and the occupied lands of Jummos by Muslim Settlers should be given back to the original owners.
2.To create pressure on Bangladesh Government to withdraw all Military, Para-military, Armed Police and Ansar camps and Bengali Muslim Settlers from CHT immediately
3.To create pressure on Bangladesh Government to stop all kinds of further establishment of Military, Para-military, Armed police, Ansar camps and Bengali Muslim Settlement in CHT
4.To create pressure on Bangladesh Government to stop all kinds of human rights violations against the Indigenous Jummo Peoples and to punish those responsible persons of previous killings and arson attacks in CHT immediately
5.To create pressure on Bangladesh Government to implement the agreement which was signed in 2nd December 1997 without any delay
6. Oppose the recruitment of military personnel from Bangladesh in the United Nations Peacekeeping Force
7.Change the Japanese aid policy to Bangladesh and donate only under the condition of not using for the purpose of militarization and Bengali Muslim Settlement in CHT.
Sincerely Yours,
'Long March from Ruma to Bandaban, demanding to stop eviction of the indigenous Jumma people from their land in name of expansion of Ruma Garrison and establishment of Headquarter of Bangladesg Border Guard (BGB), by Land Rights Protection Committee and mass people of Ruma'. Started this morning from Ruma; now they have arrived in Bandarban. Their progarm is going on in press club, Bandarban.....
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“I consider this behaviour of the police as purely racist”: Joti Ranjan Chakma
chtnews.com
News No. 82/2011, April 19, 2011
Mr Joti Ranjan Chakma, 52, Noapara, Modhupur, Khagrachari town, is an Assistant Divisional Engineer, Public Works Department, Government of Bangladesh. He is one of those injured in the settler attacks on 17 April. He received serious injuries in the head. His right hand and a finger also got fractured.
He is now undergoing medical treatment at a hospital in Chittagong.
chtnews.com spoke to him at the hospital. We reproduce his interview below:
On the day of incident, 17 April, I was returning home from Chittagong by bus (Shanti Paribahan). The bus left Chittagong at 2pm. At about 4pm it reached Jaliapara in Guimara. There were six Jumma passengers in the bus. The settlers dragged us off the bus and began beating indiscriminately.
In fact, we got the news of the incident (clash between Jummas and
settlers) one mile ahead of Jaliapara. I phoned the OC of Matiranga
police station and sought his advice as to whether it was safe for us
to come. He assured us that there was no problem.
After that our bus was taken to Jaliapara with police and BGB escorts.
When we reached Jaliapara, some local Bengali people whispered into the ears of police and BGB members. After that the BGB and police personnel kept aside. I thought some thing was going to happen.
After the BGB and policemen had went away, the Bengalis ordered all the passengers of the bus to get down.
As the passengers refused to get down, they got on the bus.
I was sitting in one of the front rows. My seat No. was 3. I was dragged off the bus.
I had two mobile phone sets and Taka 10,000 in my pockets. The attackers took them away.
I pleaded with them not to beat me. But they would not listen. They
hit me repeatedly in the head and on my back with sticks. I tried to
protect my head with my hands. They beat me till I was unconscious and left me for dead.
There were 30 – 40 police, BGB and army personnel there, but they were silent spectators.
A Bengali bus passenger, who is known to me, (a Bengali peon from
Treasury Office in Khagrachari) took me to a safe place and nursed me. I was drenched in blood.
Then police came and took me to Thana (police station).
I was taken to Guimara police station with serious wounds, but I was
left there without treatment.
When I screamed for medical help no policeman heeded me. When the Bengali peon tried to help me with medical treatment, the police
scolded him. The police wanted me to die without treatment. I consider this behaviour of the police as purely racist.
Later, that Bengali peon informed my family of my situation, and only then was I able to get admitted to Khagrachari Sadar Hospital with the help of Kushum Dewan, a Jumma police officer in Chittagong. It was already 9:30pm when I got to hospital.
When I was being beaten (at Jaliapara), the army and police personnel present there did nothing to save me.
I think the settlers beat me with the intention to kill me. But luckily I have been saved. Why should I be treated like this? I have done no wrong. My only fault is that I am a Chakma.
Though I am a government employee, the government has completely failed to provide protection for me.
When I was being beaten, I repeatedly shouted at the police for help. But they did not come forward.
I am a government employee and my office is in Khagrachari.
I don’t know what happened to the other Jumma passengers. I think they might have faced the same fate.
I don’t think I will recover fully.
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Update news 3: Arson attack in Ramgarh
chtnews.com
News No. 78/2011, April 17, 2011
A group of settlers caught Polen Chakma, 23, an employee of IDF, an NGO, and his friend Joyonta Chakma in Guimara bazaar and began beating.
Joyonto Chakma could somehow run away and took shelter in a Bengali house there.
Polen Chakma (father’s name Milon Kanti Chakma of village Nuopara, Dighinala) was also believed to have been able to run away but was caught again.
According to Joyonto, who talked to his friends in Khagrachari, Polen Chakma had sent him a SMS saying that he had taken shelter near a mosque.
Later, the mosque and the adjacent areas were searched but he was not found.
It is feared that he might have been caught again and killed.
In another incident, the settlers stopped a Khagrachari-bound bus belonging to Shanti Paribahan at Jaliapara. There were 7 – 8 Jumma
passengers in the bus, which was left Chittagong at 2:30pm.
It was known from Chitra Chakma, 20, one of the Jumma passengers who called his relatives in Kobakhali village of Dighinala after they came under attack.
She told that the settlers were beating the Jumma passengers. Seconds later her mobile phone was stopped.
Her husband Sona Muni Chakma (25) son of Sundor Kumar Chakma was also among the Jumma passengers.
The fate of the Jumma passengers could not be known.
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In a primary report it has been learnt that since 14 April 2011, the first day of the Bengali year, when most of the Jumma People were engaged in enjoying the Year End Festival, the Bizu or Sangrai, the settlers from the neighbouring areas started occupying lands of the local Jumma people. The local Jumma People, who are owners of the lands requested to stop it. The local Jumma People informed of the matter to the local authorities including army one. But it resulted in vain
http://jummacommunity.wordpress.com/2011/03/29/exclusive-interview-we-have-failed-to-own-the-accord/------------------------------------------
Kapaeeng Foundation
(An Human Rights Organization for Indigenous Peoples of Bangladesh)
Shalma Garden, House # 23/25, Road # 4, Block # B, PC Culture Housing, Mohammadpur, Dhaka-1207, Telephone: +880-2-8190801
E-mail: kapaeeng.foundation@gmail.com, kapaeeng.watch@gmail.com
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Sunday, March 20, 2011-----------------------------------------------------
HWF observes 23th founding anniversary
chtnews.com
News No. 48/2011, March 8, 2011
TODAY is the 101th International Women’s Day. The day is doubly significant to the women of the Chittagong Hill Tract because it was on this day in 1988 that the Hill Women’s Federation came into being. Therefore, today also marks HWF’s 23th founding anniversary.
To mark the day, the HWF organised rallies and discussions in Khagrachari, Panchari, Baghaichari and Kudukchari. (photo attached)
Khagrachari
A women’s rally was held at Swanirbhor in the morning today to highlight the significance of the International women’s Day.
Chaired by Chandani Chakma, vice president of HWF Khagrachari District unit, the rally was also addressed by Rina Dewan, organising secretary of the HWF central committee; Subir Chakma, organising secretary of DYF Khagrachari district unit; and Apruchi Marma, president of PCP Khagrachari District unit.
Besides, M. M. Parvez Lenin, member of Bangladesh Student’s Federation Chittagong University unit, spoke in solidarity while Eching Marma, a member of the HWF, presented the speakers to the audience.
The organisers tried to bring out a procession after the rally, but the police prevented them.
The speakers said sexual assaults on Jumma women are on the rise. In the last few months a number of women, including minor girls, have been raped.
They urged all to speed up the movement against repression of women and said, “Full autonomy is crucial for the achievement of women’s rights in the CHT.”
They also urged the government to take effective and stern measures to end all forms of violence against Jumma women in CHT.
Rina Dewan flayed the local civil administration for continuously denying UPDF and it front organisations the right to organise rallies and protest marches.
She urged the government to lift the de facto ban on rallies and public meetings imposed a year ago after the Sajek and Khagrachari settler attacks.
Panchari
In Panchari, the HWF held a rally at College Gate area with Sebika Chakma in the chair.
The rally was also addressed by Arpan Chakma (DYF), Barun Chakma (DYF), Hari Kamal Tripura (PCP), Anil Chakma (UP member), Indrani Tripura (villager, T & T) and Sneha Kumar Tripura (villager, Kalanal).
Baghaichari
The HWF held a rally and procession in Baghaichari. The procession kicked off from Babupara and paraded through Upazila ground and Marishya bazaar.
Later, a discussion meeting was held at Babupara Community Centre. Moderated by Sharmila Chakma, convener of HWF Baghaichari unit, it was addressed by Angod Chakma (DYF), Atol Chakma (PCP) Alo Jibon Chakma (PCP) and Kripa Rani Chakma (Sajek Nari Samaj).
Kudukchari
A discussion meeting was held at Kalabunia with HWF vice president Nirupa Chakma in the chair.
HWF general secretary Konika Dewan, ex PCP president Ricoh Chakma, PCP leader Bablu Chakma, organizer of Jatio Ganotantric Gano Manch Nushrat Jahan Choton, Ghilachari Women’s Committee member Koheli Chakma, Sapchari village elder Monimala Chakma and HWF Rangamati district unit president Juthika Chakma.
Sadhana Chakma presented the speakers to the audience.
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UPDF leaders meet with Amnesty International team
chtnews.com
News No. 46/2011, March 5, 2011
LEADERS of the United People’s Democratic Front (UPDF) have met with a visiting team of the international human rights group Amnesty International.
The meeting took place at 5pm today in Khagrachari town.
The UPDF leaders highlighted the political repression on its members and supporters and sought AI intervention in preventing human rights violations in the CHT.
In a written statement handed to the AI delegates, UPDF says: “Political repression on UPDF and its front organisations has become a common feature of the CHT situation. Its rallies and processions are regularly attacked. The army has sealed off four unit offices of the UPDF, namely, Rajstali, Belaichari, Naniachar and Kudukchari.”
Amnesty International’s South Asia researcher Abbas Faiz said he would raise the issues, especially the ban on rallies and processions in Khagrachari, at his meeting with government officials.
The other members of the AI team include Andrew Erueti, Director of Ain O Salish Kendra Md. Noor Khan and Fahmina Rahman.
The UPDF was represented by Pradipan Khisha, Ujwal Smriti Chakma, Kalo Priya Chakma, Aongay Marma and Rina Dewan.
The full text of the statement follows:
Statement to the visiting members of the Amnesty International
United People’s Democratic Front (UPDF) Khagrachari District Unit
March 5, 2011
1. Human rights violation in the Chittagong Hill Tracts continues. The army, paramilitary personnel and illegal Bengali settlers are involved in right violations. The attack on two Jumma villages in Longudu on 17 February is a case in point. At least 22 houses belonging to the Jumma people and a Para Kendra (village centre) were set afire in this attack. Four Jummas were also beaten up.
2. Army in Laxmichari continues to patronize a vigilante group popularly known as Borkha Party. This group was created in 2009 by then Laxmichari Zone Commander Lt. Col. Shariful Islam. Members of this group are responsible for the death of UPDF leader Rui Khoi Marma on 2 October 2009. The main purpose of the creation of the Borkha Party is to counter the growing influence of the UPDF.
On 25 February, the army and Borkha Party attacked a reception hosted by PCP and HWF for those students who came out successful in JSC (Junior School Certificate) and primary school examinations. At least 15 persons including women were injured. The programme was foiled.
The Borkha Party members stay in Khiram army camp under Laxmichari Zone. They are also allowed to use a club house named Anirban belonging to the army at Khiram bazaar.
The army and Borkha Party members regularly carry out joint operations in the Jumma villages and harass the villagers.
3. Political repression on UPDF and its front organisations has become a common feature of the CHT situation. Its rallies and processions are regularly attacked. The army has sealed off four unit offices of the UPDF, namely, Rajstali, Belaichari, Naniachar and Kudukchari.
The Khagrachari administration imposed ban on rallies and public meetings in Khagrachari district following the 23 February 2010 attack on Jumma inhabited areas in Khagrachari town. The decision on the ban was taken at a review meeting on law and order in which no UPDF members were invited. This ban still continues. The ban is applicable for those parties and organisations which are not registered with the Election Commission. This is a clear case of discrimination. UPDF wrote to the district administration to inform it in writing whether the media reports on the ban were true. But the authorities did not bother to reply to our letter.
4. Arrest of the members of the UPDF and its front organisations has not stopped. Mikel Chakma, spokesperson of the UPDF and member secretary of the Democratic Youth Forum, was arrested by Rapid Action Battalion (RAB) from Chittagong on February 8, 2011. They put two pipe guns and Yaba drugs into his bag while he was in toilet and asked RAB members to arrest him.
5. Repression on Jumma women has become a festering problem in the CHT. There is no security for them. Nowhere are they safe. They cannot go fetch water from streams, graze their cows in the field, go in the jungle to collect firewood, visit temples and relatives; they cannot even stay home alone. Wherever they are, they are targeted for sexual assaults, especially rape, by the army and settlers. No one is spared – from 4-year old girls to 80-year old women, all are raped. Even the physically challenged girls and women are not spared.
Until and unless the army and settlers are withdrawn, human rights violations including rape and repression of Jumma women will not cease.
6. Land grabbing has also become a regular phenomenon. An attempt by illegal muslim Bengali settlers to occupy land in Mahalchari on 5 December 2010 prompted the Jumma villagers to block Khagrachari – Rangamati link road the next day. The settlers, who were backed by the army, had to retreat in the face of protests. Similar incident also took place in Naniachar and Longudu Upazilas in Rangamati district.
7. We appeal to the Amnesty International to urge the government to take the following measures:
a. To immediately stop human rights violations in the CHT including repression of Jumma women.
b. To stop political persecution of the UPDF and its front organisations and to withdraw the ban on rallies and demonstrations in Khagrachari district.
c. To order an independent and impartial inquiry headed by a High Court judge into the 17 February Longudu attack and bring the perpetrators to justice and pay adequate compensation to the victims.
d. To stop land grabbing and return the grabbed lands to their rightful owners and to provide constitutional recognition to the customary land laws of the Jumma people.
e. To agree to receive financial assistance from European Union to rehabilitate the illegal Bengali settlers outside of the CHT.
f. To withdraw the army from the CHT.
Pradipan Khisha
Chief Organizer
UPDF Khagrachari District Unit
------------------------------------------------------
NewAgebd
Staff Correspondent
========================================================================
BONO BHANTE'S PARINIRVANA
Devasish Roy-Wangza
Many of you are perhaps aware of the parinirvana of our most revered guru, Ven'ble Sadhanananda Mahathera (Bono Bhante), at Square Hospital, Dhaka on 30 January, 2012 at 2-57 pm. I had written earlier about the Bhante's treatment. Now I wish to share with you some snapshots of the last day of this great teacher's life and the main events of the following day, including the motor journey from Dhaka to Rangamati.
SQUARE HOSPITAL: 30 JANUARY, 2012
The medical practitioners, nurses, technical and administrative officials and staff, took the utmost care of the Bhante. Buddhists of Dhaka, Chittagong and the Hill Tracts had donated generously to pay for the helicopter ride, medical expenses and travel arrangements. The Bhante's visiting disciples were housed and fed. The Upaska-Upasika Parishad members worked day and night to arrange logistics, as did Buddhist residents of Dhaka. Hundreds of people thronged the reception area, paying homage to the Bhante's disciples, discussing among themselves, and even joining a brief sutra session led by the visiting monks, while several non-Buddhists folded their hands in solidarity and respect.
As the last moments were approaching, it was decided that some of the close disciples of the Bhante should be present, chanting sutras. Some of us joined them later, in the Intensive Care Unit room, bowing to the remains of the greatest Buddhist teacher of the country in centuries. A few monks wept silently. The more senior ones kept their composure, exercising equanimity (upekkha). The Upasaka-Upasika Parishad's Senior Vice-President, Gautam Dewan, a few senior monks and I had to go away to my Dhaka home, nearby in Dhanmondi, to discuss plans on where and how to keep vigil for the night, and to take our guru's remains to Rangamati, the next day. Meanwhile, the devotees' crowds had swelled at the hospital, spilling on to the front entrance and the main road, as we were told later. The indulgence and patience of the hospital authorities and other patients were more than commendable. It was the perfect example of karuna (related to Metta, Mudita and Upekkha of the Four Brahma Viharas or Sublime Abodes).
Of course, we could have planned all the details of the post-Parinirvana arrangements beforehand, but didn't do so. On the one hand, no one, including the bhikkhus (monks), had any experience of dealing with the remains of an enlightened being, an Arahat or Sravaka Buddha. On the other hand, some of us were perhaps subconsciously following the common practice of not preparing for undesirable events - in this case the Parinirvana of the Bhante, that we hoped would not happen - lest its incidence be hastened by our conduct!), despite medical opinion to the contrary.
The consensual opinion of the senior monks, Parishad members and some of the upasakas-upasikas present, was to keep the remains in the hospital morgue - which was refrigerated - and to take them to a field (larger than any monastery ground in Dhaka) the following day, so that devotees and followers could pay their last respects to their Kalyanamitta (kolyanmitro).
A few monks and several lay buddhists kept vigil outside the mortuary room. Some took much-needed rest, after having spent several nights with little or no sleep.
ASSEMBLY AT KOLABAGAN FIELD: 31 JANUARY
The Bhante's remains were brought in a refrigerated van a little after
eight in the morning to a field to the southwest of Kolabagan Bus Station. The Bhante's remains were taken out and laid on a raised dias roofed by a marquee, flanked by disciples of the Bhante and monks from the Kamalapur and Sakyamuni monasteries in the city. An estimated three to five thousand people filled up the field, coming single-file to offer flowers and do homage. This included Barua and hill (Jumma) Buddhists staying in Dhaka and Jumma employees of garments and other factories in Savar. The Prime Minister, Sheikh Hasina and the Leader of the Opposition, Begum Khaleda Zia, sent representatives with wreathes. Around 1030 am or so the remains were taken to Square Hospital, for treatment, to help preserve them.
MOTORCADE JOURNEY TO RANGAMATI: 31 JANUARY
A little before 1 pm, the motorcade, containing about ten cars, started towards Rangamati, and reached around 1 am, the following day (1 February). We did not encounter a single road jam, and none of the vehicles had engine trouble. An unprecedented experience for many. I have travelled on this highway scores of times, including with police escort, but I don't recall a single instance of travelling jam-free. Several people noticed this and remarked upon it.
Prior to departure, those gathered in the front of the hospital and in the underground car park paid their last homage. Women outnumbered men; several of them broke out into tears or tried to stifle them. Led by a police escort vehicle, the motorcade included several of the Bhante's disciples in different cars, the CHT Affairs State Minister, Dipankar Talukdar, MP, and the Parishad's Senior Vice President, Gautam Dewan, with whom I shared a car.
The first group of people we saw met on the highway, that were waiting to pay their respects, was near Kachpur. Most of them were Jumma, probably employees of the garments industries in Savar and nearby places. The next group was near Comilla, mostly Baruas and some Jummas. We then stopped near the Nurjahan Restaurant near Comilla, again, mostly local Baruas and several Jummas, offering wreaths, chanting Dhamma slogans and paying homage. After this, we stopped for refreshments at the Highway Inn near Chauddagram, and even here, some devotees had gathered. Stops after that included at Feni bye-pass (Jumma students, government employees), at least two places at Miraserai (Baruas), Bhatiary (Jummas from the Chittagong EPZ), Boro Dighir Par, near the Chittagong-Rangamati highway (Jummas and Baruas), Chittagong University Gate (Jumma & Barua students), Hathazari (mostly Baruas and some Jummas), Raozan and Gohira (Baruas), Betbunia (Sialbukya; Chakma and Marma), Ghagra and Manikchari (Chakma, Marma and Tanchangya).
According to the agreed schedule, the journey was to have started at
10 am, and therefore some of the groups on the highway had been waiting from early afternoon onwards, for hours. Nightfall had crept
in before we reached Miresai. At the university gate students put lighted candles on the edge of the road as a mark of respect. Several
held candles, which made a great spectacle, somewhat carnival-like,
yet solemn, adding a touch of warmth and security to a an atmosphere that would otherwise have seemed gloomy and desolate.
The most touching snapshots in my memory include the Chittagong
University students lighting candles, old women and men with insufficiently warm clothing, in their stooping frames in the biting cold, young children chanting "sadhu" from their parents' shoulders
and arms (which they might not remember as they grew up), the tear-strained faces of countless people, especially women and girls, which reminded me of orphans having recently lost their parents.
In our car, which I shared with Gautam Dewan and Parishad member, Rintu Chakma, we had to answer incessant phone calls of people requesting us to stop or seeking information on the progress of the motorcade. We were surprised at how quickly these people had acquired our cellphone numbers. Perhaps this demonstrates how people's spontaneous information networks sometimes work more efficiently than more structured ones.
RECEPTION AT BETBUNIA & RANGAMATI
At Betbunia, the motorcade was met by a stream of vehicles, including vans, pick-up trucks, "CNG" scooters and motorbikes. We counted at least 30 or so large vehicles and around 70 CNGs. The motorbike number was probably well above one hundred, including some that carried women. My son, Tribhuvan Aryadev, came in a pick-up. Some monks had come with cars and vans. From here onwards, the motorbikes led the way, somewhat slowing the journey. The highway being winding, those at the head could not see the tail of the motorcade, which stretched for a kilometre or more. The combined light from the vehicles' headlights added a moonlight atmosphere. Arches and banners had been put up at several places, including at Ghagra, Manikchari and Rangamati bearing photographs of the Bhante and Dhamma sayings.
In Rangamati town, senior monks from the Rajvana Vihar waited at the entrance of the Vocational Institute Road near College Gate. They led the motorcade on foot up to the main field of Rajvana Vihar where the annual Kathin Civar Daan and Birthday ceremonies for the Bono Bhante are held. The CNGs and motorbikes had to stop at the highway junction near Rangamati Government College.
GATHERING AT THE RAJVANA VIHAR FIELD
At the Rajvana Vihar field, thousands had gathered. We joined the assembly to pay our respects to the Bhante, who lay in state at the centre, inside the refrigerated van. Senior political leaders and government officials joined in. After sutras and a sermon from a senior monk, I was asked to speak, although this was not scheduled. I spoke in Chakma, as is customary at Rajvana Vihar. Parts of the events were projected live on a large screen, perhaps the first such use of technology at the Rajvana Vihar. I urged all to maintain unity and to show their respect to the Bhante by following and practicing his
teachings on Metta, non-violence and a moral way of life. I referred
to the Mahasatipatthana Sutta, often recommended as a "must read" by the Bono Bhante, which focuses on the transitoriness of human life by providing examples of the decay and transformation of the flesh, bones and other parts of the human body. Much as we might be reminded of the Bono Bhante through his mortal remains, and however much we try to preserve them (which is a strong public demand and the Parishad is providing the highest priority to it), I feel that it is more important to recall his teachings as his greatest legacy and act upon them, with diligence.
---------------------------------------------SQUARE HOSPITAL: 30 JANUARY, 2012
The medical practitioners, nurses, technical and administrative officials and staff, took the utmost care of the Bhante. Buddhists of Dhaka, Chittagong and the Hill Tracts had donated generously to pay for the helicopter ride, medical expenses and travel arrangements. The Bhante's visiting disciples were housed and fed. The Upaska-Upasika Parishad members worked day and night to arrange logistics, as did Buddhist residents of Dhaka. Hundreds of people thronged the reception area, paying homage to the Bhante's disciples, discussing among themselves, and even joining a brief sutra session led by the visiting monks, while several non-Buddhists folded their hands in solidarity and respect.
As the last moments were approaching, it was decided that some of the close disciples of the Bhante should be present, chanting sutras. Some of us joined them later, in the Intensive Care Unit room, bowing to the remains of the greatest Buddhist teacher of the country in centuries. A few monks wept silently. The more senior ones kept their composure, exercising equanimity (upekkha). The Upasaka-Upasika Parishad's Senior Vice-President, Gautam Dewan, a few senior monks and I had to go away to my Dhaka home, nearby in Dhanmondi, to discuss plans on where and how to keep vigil for the night, and to take our guru's remains to Rangamati, the next day. Meanwhile, the devotees' crowds had swelled at the hospital, spilling on to the front entrance and the main road, as we were told later. The indulgence and patience of the hospital authorities and other patients were more than commendable. It was the perfect example of karuna (related to Metta, Mudita and Upekkha of the Four Brahma Viharas or Sublime Abodes).
Of course, we could have planned all the details of the post-Parinirvana arrangements beforehand, but didn't do so. On the one hand, no one, including the bhikkhus (monks), had any experience of dealing with the remains of an enlightened being, an Arahat or Sravaka Buddha. On the other hand, some of us were perhaps subconsciously following the common practice of not preparing for undesirable events - in this case the Parinirvana of the Bhante, that we hoped would not happen - lest its incidence be hastened by our conduct!), despite medical opinion to the contrary.
The consensual opinion of the senior monks, Parishad members and some of the upasakas-upasikas present, was to keep the remains in the hospital morgue - which was refrigerated - and to take them to a field (larger than any monastery ground in Dhaka) the following day, so that devotees and followers could pay their last respects to their Kalyanamitta (kolyanmitro).
A few monks and several lay buddhists kept vigil outside the mortuary room. Some took much-needed rest, after having spent several nights with little or no sleep.
ASSEMBLY AT KOLABAGAN FIELD: 31 JANUARY
The Bhante's remains were brought in a refrigerated van a little after
eight in the morning to a field to the southwest of Kolabagan Bus Station. The Bhante's remains were taken out and laid on a raised dias roofed by a marquee, flanked by disciples of the Bhante and monks from the Kamalapur and Sakyamuni monasteries in the city. An estimated three to five thousand people filled up the field, coming single-file to offer flowers and do homage. This included Barua and hill (Jumma) Buddhists staying in Dhaka and Jumma employees of garments and other factories in Savar. The Prime Minister, Sheikh Hasina and the Leader of the Opposition, Begum Khaleda Zia, sent representatives with wreathes. Around 1030 am or so the remains were taken to Square Hospital, for treatment, to help preserve them.
MOTORCADE JOURNEY TO RANGAMATI: 31 JANUARY
A little before 1 pm, the motorcade, containing about ten cars, started towards Rangamati, and reached around 1 am, the following day (1 February). We did not encounter a single road jam, and none of the vehicles had engine trouble. An unprecedented experience for many. I have travelled on this highway scores of times, including with police escort, but I don't recall a single instance of travelling jam-free. Several people noticed this and remarked upon it.
Prior to departure, those gathered in the front of the hospital and in the underground car park paid their last homage. Women outnumbered men; several of them broke out into tears or tried to stifle them. Led by a police escort vehicle, the motorcade included several of the Bhante's disciples in different cars, the CHT Affairs State Minister, Dipankar Talukdar, MP, and the Parishad's Senior Vice President, Gautam Dewan, with whom I shared a car.
The first group of people we saw met on the highway, that were waiting to pay their respects, was near Kachpur. Most of them were Jumma, probably employees of the garments industries in Savar and nearby places. The next group was near Comilla, mostly Baruas and some Jummas. We then stopped near the Nurjahan Restaurant near Comilla, again, mostly local Baruas and several Jummas, offering wreaths, chanting Dhamma slogans and paying homage. After this, we stopped for refreshments at the Highway Inn near Chauddagram, and even here, some devotees had gathered. Stops after that included at Feni bye-pass (Jumma students, government employees), at least two places at Miraserai (Baruas), Bhatiary (Jummas from the Chittagong EPZ), Boro Dighir Par, near the Chittagong-Rangamati highway (Jummas and Baruas), Chittagong University Gate (Jumma & Barua students), Hathazari (mostly Baruas and some Jummas), Raozan and Gohira (Baruas), Betbunia (Sialbukya; Chakma and Marma), Ghagra and Manikchari (Chakma, Marma and Tanchangya).
According to the agreed schedule, the journey was to have started at
10 am, and therefore some of the groups on the highway had been waiting from early afternoon onwards, for hours. Nightfall had crept
in before we reached Miresai. At the university gate students put lighted candles on the edge of the road as a mark of respect. Several
held candles, which made a great spectacle, somewhat carnival-like,
yet solemn, adding a touch of warmth and security to a an atmosphere that would otherwise have seemed gloomy and desolate.
The most touching snapshots in my memory include the Chittagong
University students lighting candles, old women and men with insufficiently warm clothing, in their stooping frames in the biting cold, young children chanting "sadhu" from their parents' shoulders
and arms (which they might not remember as they grew up), the tear-strained faces of countless people, especially women and girls, which reminded me of orphans having recently lost their parents.
In our car, which I shared with Gautam Dewan and Parishad member, Rintu Chakma, we had to answer incessant phone calls of people requesting us to stop or seeking information on the progress of the motorcade. We were surprised at how quickly these people had acquired our cellphone numbers. Perhaps this demonstrates how people's spontaneous information networks sometimes work more efficiently than more structured ones.
RECEPTION AT BETBUNIA & RANGAMATI
At Betbunia, the motorcade was met by a stream of vehicles, including vans, pick-up trucks, "CNG" scooters and motorbikes. We counted at least 30 or so large vehicles and around 70 CNGs. The motorbike number was probably well above one hundred, including some that carried women. My son, Tribhuvan Aryadev, came in a pick-up. Some monks had come with cars and vans. From here onwards, the motorbikes led the way, somewhat slowing the journey. The highway being winding, those at the head could not see the tail of the motorcade, which stretched for a kilometre or more. The combined light from the vehicles' headlights added a moonlight atmosphere. Arches and banners had been put up at several places, including at Ghagra, Manikchari and Rangamati bearing photographs of the Bhante and Dhamma sayings.
In Rangamati town, senior monks from the Rajvana Vihar waited at the entrance of the Vocational Institute Road near College Gate. They led the motorcade on foot up to the main field of Rajvana Vihar where the annual Kathin Civar Daan and Birthday ceremonies for the Bono Bhante are held. The CNGs and motorbikes had to stop at the highway junction near Rangamati Government College.
GATHERING AT THE RAJVANA VIHAR FIELD
At the Rajvana Vihar field, thousands had gathered. We joined the assembly to pay our respects to the Bhante, who lay in state at the centre, inside the refrigerated van. Senior political leaders and government officials joined in. After sutras and a sermon from a senior monk, I was asked to speak, although this was not scheduled. I spoke in Chakma, as is customary at Rajvana Vihar. Parts of the events were projected live on a large screen, perhaps the first such use of technology at the Rajvana Vihar. I urged all to maintain unity and to show their respect to the Bhante by following and practicing his
teachings on Metta, non-violence and a moral way of life. I referred
to the Mahasatipatthana Sutta, often recommended as a "must read" by the Bono Bhante, which focuses on the transitoriness of human life by providing examples of the decay and transformation of the flesh, bones and other parts of the human body. Much as we might be reminded of the Bono Bhante through his mortal remains, and however much we try to preserve them (which is a strong public demand and the Parishad is providing the highest priority to it), I feel that it is more important to recall his teachings as his greatest legacy and act upon them, with diligence.
Muslim settler attacks in Marishya and Dighinala
chtnews.com
News No. 161/2011, December 14, 2011
A Jumma woman has died in a settler attack in Dighinala as communal riots have broken out in Marishya of Rangamati district after a Bengali muslim settler was found dead near Muslim Para village today.
The muslim settlers allege that Md. Sattar (30) son of Idrish alias Bujjya went missing yesterday after ferrying a Jumma passenger to Marishya with his motor bike. Satter hails from Kobakhali, Dighinala.
However, the Jummas refute this and said no Jumma had ever hired his bike yesterday.
After Sattar was found dead, the settlers became angry and at 11am
launched attacks on Jumma people at Marishya bazaar. Today is market day there.
The settlers also made several attempts to attack Babupara, a Jumma populated area in Baghaichari headquarters, but they were resisted.
Many Jummas are reported to have been injured in the attack, but details are yet to come.
One of the injured has been identified as Domona Chakma, manager of Sonali Bank, Baghaichari branch.
The tension spilled out to Dhiginala in Khagrachari district where the settlers attacked a Jumma couple, killing Chigon Mila Chakma (50), who was on her way back home after being released from Dighinala hospital.
Her husband Jiten Chakma was also severely beaten.
Chigon Mila was admitted to Khagrachari hospital along with her husband and succumbed to her injuries.
The couple was on their way back home in the village of Hangarimachara in Hajachara of Jora Bridge when they came under settler attack.
-------------------------------------------------The muslim settlers allege that Md. Sattar (30) son of Idrish alias Bujjya went missing yesterday after ferrying a Jumma passenger to Marishya with his motor bike. Satter hails from Kobakhali, Dighinala.
However, the Jummas refute this and said no Jumma had ever hired his bike yesterday.
After Sattar was found dead, the settlers became angry and at 11am
launched attacks on Jumma people at Marishya bazaar. Today is market day there.
The settlers also made several attempts to attack Babupara, a Jumma populated area in Baghaichari headquarters, but they were resisted.
Many Jummas are reported to have been injured in the attack, but details are yet to come.
One of the injured has been identified as Domona Chakma, manager of Sonali Bank, Baghaichari branch.
The tension spilled out to Dhiginala in Khagrachari district where the settlers attacked a Jumma couple, killing Chigon Mila Chakma (50), who was on her way back home after being released from Dighinala hospital.
Her husband Jiten Chakma was also severely beaten.
Chigon Mila was admitted to Khagrachari hospital along with her husband and succumbed to her injuries.
The couple was on their way back home in the village of Hangarimachara in Hajachara of Jora Bridge when they came under settler attack.
Chittagong Hill Tracts Commission
Co Chairperson: Sultana Kamal, Lord Eric Avebury, Elisa Stamatopoulou
Press Release: CHT Commission concludes Sixth Mission
30 November, 2011
The International CHT Commission undertook its sixth mission to Bangladesh between 22 and 29 November 2011 and held meetings in Dhaka and in the Chittagong Hill Tracts. The Commission met Government officials, including the Minister of Land and Minister of Law, the Chairman of the Regional Council, the Rangamati Hill District Council Chairman, the Deputy Commissioners of Khagrachhari and Rangamati, the General Officer Commanding (GOC) of the 24 Infantry Division of the Bangladesh Army, and concerned officers, political leaders, non‐governmental organizations and representatives of the international community, as well as representatives of indigenous peoples and Bengalis in the CHT. It also took testimonies from victims and survivors of human rights violations – both indigenous and Bengali ‐‐ in the CHT. The Commission wishes to thank all those who met, or cooperated with the Commission. The Commission wishes to communicate its preliminary assessment of the mission findings, as follows.
The Commission is heartened to note the continuing commitment of a number of government officials and civil society actors and institutions to promote the improvement of the human rights situation in the CHT and to strengthen the implementation of the 1997 CHT Accord. At the same time, on the eve of the fourteenth anniversary of signing of the Accord, the Commission notes with regret that not sufficient progress has been made to date in its implementation. The Commission is deeply concerned by allegations of continuing human rights violations in the CHT and the climate of fear and insecurity that seems to prevail. The violent incident in Ramgarh that took place in April 2011 is the latest in a series of such events that have occurred since 2008. Unfortunately, as yet no impartial, independent and transparent inquiry report on these has been made publicly available, nor have those responsible been held to account through the process of law. A culture of impunity thus continues to prevail in the CHT, negatively affecting the human rights of both the indigenous and Bengali communities as well as the relations between them.
Allegations received by the Commission focus on discrimination against indigenous peoples, as evidenced by reports of violent crimes perpetrated against them with impunity. These include killings, burning of their houses, as well as lack of protection of their means of livelihood through the illegal occupation of their lands. Allegations of torture of traditional village chiefs (karbaris) by members of the security forces are particularly disturbing. At the same time, Bengali communities have also reported violent crimes, such as killings and the burning of their houses. The Commission is concerned about continuing reports of violence against women, including rape, which remain without redress. The combination of lack of adequate progress in the implementation of the CHT Accord, the continuing lack of redress for human rights violations and incidence of violent events, and the absence of dialogue among parties, imparts urgency to the need for committed and positive policy action from the Government as soon as possible, and at all levels.
The Commission expresses concern that continued military presence in the CHT at current levels could lead to a further weakening of the civil administration. This process could eventually lead to undue securitization of functions that normally fall within a civil mandate. Land remains the most critical unresolved issue in the CHT. The CHT Commission regards it as a positive step that the Government has taken the decision to postpone a previously announced cadastral survey until the resolution of land disputes by the Land Commission.
However, the CHT Commission also noted that the alienation of land of the indigenous peoples by Bengalis continues unabated and is further facilitated, according to widespread allegations, by the acts and omissions of civil and military personnel. In addition to ordinary Bengali settlers, there is an increasing influx of other actors such as private corporations and individual power‐holders who grab plots and plantations of indigenous people, typically with show of force by hired musclemen.
The CHT Commission is particularly concerned about the failure of the Government to amend the Land Commission Act of 2001 to make it consistent with the CHT Accord despite inter‐ministerial meetings having being held on this issue. In particular, the over‐riding power of the Chairman of the Land Commission, and the nature of the quorum, are matters of grave concern, which have fuelled distrust among the indigenous peoples.
The CHT Commission further notes with grave concern that both the Chairman of the Land Commission and officials at the Land Ministry now claim that the CHT Accord mandates the Land Commission to deal only with land cases related to a particular group whereas the Accord clearly stated that a Land Commission will deal with “the disposal of all disputes concerning unlawfully occupied lands in the CHT.”
In light of its findings, the CHT Commission makes the following recommendations:
‐ That an independent and impartial commission of enquiry investigates the allegations of gross human rights violations in the CHT, towards ending the culture of impunity.
‐ That confidence‐building measures among all Bengalis and indigenous peoples be initiated by the Government and concerned civil society actors. There is an urgent need for a constructive dialogue to start, at the political level, as well as through economic, cultural and educational activities at inter‐community level.
‐ That indigenous peoples be included in the police force within the CHT at the earliest opportunity, and that authority over the police be transferred to the Hill District Councils and thus contribute to confidence‐building and
the implementation of the CHT Accord.
‐ That the Government declare a definite time‐frame for the withdrawal of temporary security forces' camps in accordance with the 1997 CHT Accord and Operation ‘Uttoran’ be withdrawn.
‐ That the Government amend the Land Commission Act 2001 in consistency with the CHT Accord as a top priority.
‐ That the civil administration including the RC and HDCs and traditional justice institutions be able to function freely and effectively, in accordance with their statutory, conventional and customary law mandates, including on land management, administration and dispute resolution.
Finally, the Commission during its mission faced some unprecedented obstruction and interference from officials of the district civil administration and intelligence agencies during meetings with civil society groups in Rangamati and Bandarban on 25 November, 2011. In these meetings, officials insisted on being present despite requests from the Commission to leave because this would violate the principles of confidentiality and trust and affect the testimonies of those present. Some of the officials and security forces’ members present at the meeting stated that they were under orders from their superiors to do so. They referred to written instructions from concerned Ministries directing that officials and security forces must accompany the mission in the CHT at all times and be present during the meetings of the CHT Commission with local social groups. At this point the Commission was compelled to discontinue its planned mission.
The Commission wishes to express its strong disappointment with these actions that contravene constitutional as well as international norms of freedom of movement, personal liberty and security, and freedom of expression.
Nevertheless, the Commission remains committed to pursuing its work by engaging relevant stakeholders in a spirit of frank dialogue for the promotion of peace and human rights in the CHT in the spirit of non‐discrimination and respect for the dignity of all peoples and communities.
------------------------------------------------11 November, 2011
To
His Excellency Ban Ki‐moon
Honourable Secretary General
United Nations
New York 10017, USA
Subject: Implementation of the 1997 CHT Peace Accord
Your Excellency,
Greetings from the International Chittagong Hill Tracts Commission!
We are delighted with your visit to Bangladesh and hope that you will be able to address the issues in Bangladesh that need special attention from Your Excellency.
One such issue is the implementation of the 1997 CHT Peace Accord. In a few weeks’ time, on 2 December 2011, the indigenous peoples of the CHT will be marking the 14th anniversary of the signing of this Accord with the Awami League (AL) government. In the Election Manifesto of the AL in 2008, the implementation of this Accord was specifically mentioned as a pledge that would be fulfilled if they were elected to office.
However, nearly three years into its new term, and 14 years since the signing, the AL government has not yet issued a roadmap for the implementation process, and many of its important provisions remain wholly or only partly unfulfilled. The most critical, perhaps, are the clauses dealing with the settlement of land disputes, demilitarization and the devolution of authority to local institutions.
You may be aware of the ‘Study on the status of implementation of the Chittagong Hill Tracts Accord of 1997’ which was presented by UN Special Rapporteur Mr. Lars‐
Anders Baer at the 10th session of the United Nations Permanent Forum on Indigenous Issues (UNPFII) in May this year, and followed by a number of recommendations of the Permanent Forum. Mr. Baer also noted that there were many allegations that the military was interfering in civilian matters in the Chittagong Hill Tracts and they were “one of the most powerful institutions, often beyond public criticism or scrutiny, including by the Supreme Court of Bangladesh”.
In light of the position of alleged impunity enjoyed by the military and allegations of direct involvement of the army in attacks on indigenous peoples, the Special Rapporteur made specific recommendations regarding the UN Department of Peacekeeping Operations, which the CHT Commission endorses, as follows:
a) That the Department of Peacekeeping Operations of the Secretariat develop a mechanism to strictly monitor and screen the human rights records of national army personnel prior to allowing them to participate in peacekeeping operations, and
b) That the Department of Peacekeeping Operations prevent human rights violators and alleged human rights violators within the security forces of Bangladesh from participating in international peacekeeping activities under the auspices of the United Nations.
We were very pleased to learn that Your Excellency raised the issue of recognition of indigenous peoples in Bangladesh with Her Excellency, the Prime Minister of Bangladesh Sheikh Hasina at a meeting with her on 23 September, 2011 at UN Headquarters in New York. You may be aware that the 15th amendment to the National Constitution of Bangladesh, passed by the Parliament on 30th June 2011, fails to recognize the indigenous peoples of the country. The CHT Commission strongly believes that the estimated 50‐60 indigenous peoples living in the CHT and in the rest of the country should be rightfully recognized as ‘indigenous peoples’ in line with the UN’s modern understanding of the term.
The CHT Commission has received several reports throughout the previous year and the present year of allegations which indicate that the indigenous peoples of the CHT continue to suffer from marginalization and abuse by state (army and border guards) and non‐state (Bangali settlers) actors.
We hope that Your Excellency will raise the issue of implementation of the CHT Accord with the Awami League‐led government and the culture of impunity that prevails in the CHT, where members of the security forces are regularly alleged to be involved in human rights violations of indigenous hill peoples, and these incidents are rarely investigated. The CHT Commission firmly believes that such human rights violations of the indigenous hill people will continue and there will be no peace in the CHT unless the 1997 CHT Accord is implemented in full.
The UNDP in the Chittagong Hill Tracts is playing a commendable role in promoting socio‐economic development in the region; but we would urge them to adopt a more robust approach to peace building by facilitating the development of a roadmap to implement the 1997 CHT Peace Accord by the Government of Bangladesh.
We endorse the ratification by the Government of Bangladesh of the 1957 ILO Convention No. 107 on Indigenous and Tribal Populations Convention, but we respectfully suggest that you urge them to endorse the UN Declaration on the Rights of the Indigenous Peoples (UNDRIP) and to ratify ILO Convention No. 169 on Indigenous and Tribal Peoples.
The indigenous peoples of Bangladesh have faced discrimination and persecution from the majority Bangali population and from the state, and they continue to be treated as second‐class citizens as exemplified by the Government’s lack of commitment to its own promises regarding indigenous peoples.
We hope that Your Excellency will raise the above‐mentioned issues with the Government of Bangladesh and monitor the future performance of their international obligations to indigenous peoples. The United Nations is the best hope for the realization of fundamental human rights and freedoms of indigenous peoples across the world and we hope that these recommendations from the Chittagong Hill Tracts Commission will receive careful consideration from Your Excellency.
On behalf of the CHT Commission
Eric Avebury Sultana Kamal Elsa Stamatopoulou
Co‐chair of the Co‐chair of the Co‐chair of the
CHT Commission CHT Commission CHT Commission
--------------------------------------------------------------------http://www.wikileaks.ch/cable/2005/09/05DHAKA4390.html
C O N F I D E N T I A L SECTION 01 OF 02 DHAKA 004390 SIPDIS E.O. 12958: DECL: 9/1/2015 TAGS: PHUM PREL PGOV BD SUBJECT: UNDP INITIATES CHITTAGONG HILL TRACTS ACTION SUB-GROUP REF: DHAKA 1558 Classified By: Charge D'Affaires Judith Chammas,
Reason(s):1.4 (b)
¶1. (C) Summary: UNDP and donor ambassadors met on enhancing
economic development in the Chittagong Hill Tracts (CHT).
UNDP's Lissner said he plans to have UN Secretary General
Kofi Annan raise the CHT when he meets with Prime Minister
Khaleda Zia at the UNGA. Charge briefed ambassadors on her
August trip to the CHT (septel). End Summary.
¶2. (C) On August 30, UNDP Resident Representative Jorgen
Lissner briefed ambassadors who have either a "financial
engagement or serious interest" in the Chittagong Hill Tracts
(CHT). The group included Australia, Demark, the European
Commission, Japan, Netherlands, Norway, Sweden, and the US.
The US contributed $3.2 million in USAID Quick Impact Funds
over the past two years (reftel). Lissner proposed a "CHT
Consortium" among interested nations to better focus economic
development efforts.
¶3. (C) Lissner said that the ruling BNP, which considers the
CHT tribes as pro-Awami League, the ruling coalition partner
Jamaat Islami which dislikes the Buddhists in the CHT, and
the thinly disguised BNP anti-tribal group, the Equal Rights
Movement, funded by either the Army or the BNP, seek to
undermine tribal social and economic progress. Donors, he
said, are considered pro-tribal, and the CHT Development
Board, led by Wadud Bhuiyan, is badly managed and has failed
to develop the CHT.
¶4. (C) Lissner said that the UNDP's five-year CHT Economic
Development Plan had changed several times to accommodate
government demands, each time becoming more pro-Bengali, yet
the government, which approved it in March, has not approved
a needed related document authorizing UNDP to begin work.
Lissner said that after the government approved the five-year
plan, elements of the Army, uncomfortable with increasing
numbers of outsiders visiting the CHT, became hesitant in
granting additional approvals. He gave as an example the
Army rejection of a UNDP proposed construction of a commonly
used UNDP internet communication V-Sat installation. The
rejection letter, which he showed to participants, objected
that the V-Sat installation would permit people in the Hill
Tracts increased communications with the outside world, and
"miscreants could use the V-Sat to spread news about the CHT
to the world media." He quoted one prominent government
official, who criticized the Army rejection, saying that
since it's easy to get email in the CHT commercially, denial
of the UNDP V-Sat was "silly."
¶5. (C) Lissner said that he believes the Army, which
considers the CHT as "theirs" and enjoys tapping its forestry
and other resources, is starting to withdraw its tacit
support for international aid efforts in the CHT. In
reaction to this recent resistance to UNDP's efforts, Lissner
said that he has asked for the UN Secretary General to raise
with Zia when she meets with him at the UNGA in September.
¶6. (C) Charge briefed ambassadors on her recent trip to the
CHT (septel). She said that security was a continuing issue,
but that she received conflicting observations from groups
she met with on the continued need for the Army. She added
that she was surprised to learn that 30,000 Army troops are
in the CHT, that journalists as well as the Equal Rights
Movement accused UNDP of neglecting Bengalis and openly
preferring tribals, and that the journalists accused UNDP of
being secretative with their activities in the CHT.
¶7. (C) Outgoing European Commission Ambassador Esko
Kentrschynkyj said the new Bangladesh Chief of Army Staff
told him that the Army was scaling back its presence in the
CHT, that the police are ethnically mixed with Bengalis and
tribals, and any "land grabbing" Bengalis are arrested by the
Army and turned over to the police. He said the Chief
offered his staff to sit with UNDP to better coordinate
activities. Lissner said that UNDP, as a development agency,
never works with the military.
¶8. (C) Lissner said that when UNDP first began operating in
the CHT, the government did not expect development efforts to
be successful. He said that the Army was shocked that
tribals could learn advanced farming techniques and
progressive marketing from UNDP workers. The reason for the
new government resistance to UNDP's efforts may be tied to
the coming national elections, he said, because the Equal
Rights Movement has struck a chord with many Bengalis, and
that donor interest in supporting projects in the CHT has
increased. These factors, he speculated, when combined with
the different interests of the Army, Jamaat Islami, and Wadud
Bhuiyan's closeness to PM Zia's son Tarique Rahman, fuel the
BNP government's discomfort with foreigners in the CHT.
CHAMMASOn Thu, Jul 28, 2011 at 18:27, wasfia nazreen <wasfia.nazreen@gmail.com> wrote:
Pls find my piece on today's news. Pls spread it around & leave your comments if you like. Thanks, wasfia
http://opinion.bdnews24.com/2011/07/28/%E2%80%9Ci-ain%E2%80%99t-indigenous%E2%80%9D-%E2%80%93-reflection-of-a-bengali/
“I ain’t indigenous” – reflection of a Bengali
July 28, 2011
Dipu Moni, as the special guest speaking for Adibashi rights; 9 August 2008. Courtesy: Adibashi Forum PhotoThe past year saw an intense amount of debate on this issue, with its finale being delivered at the 10th session of the UNPFII (United Nations Permanent Forum on Indigenous Issues), when the First Secretary of the Government of Bangladesh, Iqbal Ahmed, declared in his speech, surely vetted and pre-approved by the home and foreign ministry in Dhaka: “There are no indigenous people in Bangladesh.”
And as the United Nations Economic and Social Council (ECOSOC), the parent body of UNPFII, gathers in Geneva as I type, certain government officials are again raising this issue. On 26th of July, our honourable foreign minister Dr Dipu Moni, held back-to-back meetings with senior diplomats and media editors to “deal with ‘misperceptions’ both at home and abroad about the ethnic minorities.”
“The ethnic minorities in the CHT region have been clearly termed as ‘Tribal’ in the 1997 peace accord, but there are attempts by some vested quarters to establish them as ‘Indigenous’ in some international and UN forums. This is solely aimed at securing a privileged status for an established and legally-accepted entity, at the expense of national identity, image and territorial integrity of Bangladesh.” She said.
Promises and reality
Here is a question for our honourable foreign minister. If this is truly what she believes, why did she accept an invitation as the ‘Special Guest’ to World Indigenous Day, both in 2008 and 2009 (see picture)? Let us extend the question wider than our foreign minister, and ask the same question to our honourable prime minister as well.
Madam prime minister, did you forget the promise, in the 20-points Awami League election manifesto of 2008 (1), based on which the indigenous people and their Bengali supporters put their trust on you on the election day?
That manifesto included the following declaration: (Under “Our Promise, Work Programme and Declaration,” number 18.): “Terrorism, discriminatory treatment and human rights violations against religious and ethnic minorities and indigenous people must come to an end permanently.” The manifesto further stated: “Their entitlement to equal opportunity in all spheres of state and social life will be ensured. Special measures will be taken to secure their original ownership on land, water bodies, and their age-old rights on forest areas.”
The 2008 Awami League manifesto further stated: “All laws and other arrangements discriminatory to minorities, indigenous people and ethnic groups will be repealed. Special privileges will be made available in educational institutions for religious minorities and indigenous people. Such special privileges will also apply for their employment.”
And reading further in the same manifesto, we see: “The 1997 Chittagong Hill Tract Peace Accord will be fully implemented.”
“Thakur ghorey key rey? Ami kola khaini!”
It is, of course, no secret that Bangladesh government’s requests have been ongoing since the UNPFII in May, to remove some portions of the report published by the UNPFII, which called on the government, among others, to undertake a ‘phased withdrawal’ of temporary army camps from the CHT, declare a timeframe for implementation of the peace accord, and establish an independent commission to inquire into ‘human rights violations perpetrated against indigenous peoples’ as per the 1997 CHT Accord that this government signed. We would understand all these steps if it was a BNP government in power, but why are these actions coming from the same party that signed the Accord?
Furthermore, the UNPFII recommended that the UN Department of Peacekeeping Operations (UNPKO) review the military personnel and units who are being sent on UN missions (a source of great pride to all of us as Bangladeshis) to make sure no personnel or units are taken from any that are accused by indigenous Jumma people of violating human rights in the CHT (2).
According to an email I received from one official contacted by GoB, we hear that our government, after having challenged and questioned the locus standi or legal standing of the UNPFII to deal with issues related to the CHT Accord of 1997 on the ground that the peoples of the CHT are “not indigenous”, is reportedly going to request the UN ECOSOC (i) to “delete paragraphs 102(a) and 103 of the report of the tenth session of the UNPFII”; (ii) to “drop mentioning of the term ‘indigenous peoples’ from Para 102(c) and (d) as they are not indigenous peoples’”; (iii) to “scrutinize the procedural aspects of (asking for such a study) the Report by PFII as well as the contents of the report; and (iv) to refrain from “adopting” and/or “endorsing” the report of the UNPFII. And thus we understand the timing of our foreign minister’s session with journalists and foreign missions.
Let me remind our readers that out of the 16 independent experts at the UNPFII, eight are government-nominated and eight are indigenous-nominated. The members nominated by governments are elected by ECOSOC based on the five regional groupings of states normally used at the United Nations (Africa; Asia; Eastern Europe; Latin America and the Caribbean; and Western Europe and other states) (3). When one is questioning the Permanent Forum’s work, it is also questioning direct Government Representative’s work, as expert members! The country representatives, or Permanent Forum members that are government-nominated for this term, represent the following countries: Estonia, Iran, Australia, Russia, Congo, Guatemala, Guyana and Finland. So the GoB has challenged the above-mentioned governments of the countries involved, in addition to the expert mechanism of UNPFII!
What does the UN term as “indigenous?”
The UN system has developed a modern understanding of the term indigenous (4), the first clause of which says: “Self- identification as indigenous peoples at the individual level and accepted by the community as their member.” Aside from this, ‘Historical continuity with pre-colonial and/or pre-settler societies,’ ‘Distinct social, economic or political systems,’ ‘Distinct language, culture and beliefs,’ ‘Form non-dominant groups of society,’ are just some highlights — all of which apply to the inhabitants of CHT as well as the Adibashis of the plain lands of Bangladesh.
According to the UN the most fruitful approach is to identify, rather than define indigenous peoples and hence there is no set definition of indigenous peoples in the UN Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples. Similarly, the UN Declaration on the Rights of Persons belonging to Ethnic, Linguistic or Religious Minorities contains no definition of “minorities” groups. This is the usual custom and practice of the UN when dealing with such population groups. This is based on the fundamental criterion of self-identification as underlined in a number of human rights documents.
The aforesaid UN declaration is also based on the premise that “the term “indigenous” has prevailed as a generic term for many years. In some countries, there may be preference for other terms including tribes, first peoples/nations, aboriginals, ethnic groups, Adivasi, janajati. Occupational and geographical terms like hunter-gatherers, nomads, peasants, hill people, etc. also exist and for all practical purposes can be used interchangeably with “indigenous peoples.”” Tribal and indigenous are often used interchangeably, although in current discourses the term ‘indigenous’ is clearly favoured on account of disparaging connotations of ‘tribal’ in many cultures and contexts, Bangladesh included.
Our foreign minister was quoted as saying “Giving a special and elevated identity to enfranchise only 1.2 percent of the total population of 150 million by disentitling the 98.8 percent cannot be in the national interest of Bangladesh.” We, the Bengalis, the so-called intellectual, ‘superior race’, the MAJORITY and overwhelming politically, socially and economically dominant elite, are afraid of giving the just title to 1 percent of the population?
So what the foreign minister is saying is that by addressing the ‘historic wrong’ of NOT including the excluded, by recognising indigenous status, would ‘elevate’ their status? Actually, such an exercise would not ‘elevate’ their status, but merely draw attention to their historic and current exclusion and marginalisation. The international understanding of the term, ‘Indigenous peoples’, does not provide any status to indigenous peoples, that is superior to that of other peoples. Such a status merely outlines the context of providing citizens of indigenous descent with true equality and non-discrimination in context-specific ways.
We find it derogatory that an honourable minister of a country can say about indigenous people: “They came here as asylum seekers and economic migrants. The original inhabitants or first nationals of Bangladesh are the ethnic Bengalees by descent that constitute nearly 99 percent of the country’s 150 million people.” The above stand of the GoB is discriminatory.
Irrespective of the terminology used in the laws of Bangladesh to refer to the indigenous peoples of the CHT, it is established beyond doubt that the peoples of the CHT are indigenous in accordance with the provisions of the ILO Convention No. 107 on Indigenous and Tribal Populations, which was ratified by Bangladesh in June, 1972, the ILO Convention No 169 and the UN Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples.
As a Bangladeshi, a Bengali, I protest against such statements. As a Bangladeshi working for this country, I protest on behalf of all my Adibashi sisters and brothers, and other friends and colleagues, who continue to work for and with Adibashis towards the development of our Motherland.
On reflection, the government’s attempts to belittle the term “indigenous,” is helping the Adibashi cause in the bigger picture. At the end of the day, the UN (and all its relevant bodies) will still uphold its progressive understanding of indigenous peoples, but now every Jodhu, Modhu, Ram & Shaam is getting to know about the cause – of discrimination and exclusion of Adibashis and acute human rights violation perpetrated against them – that received very scant attention in the last 40 years or so in the international arena!
Now the average citizen of Bangladesh is getting to know about the cause. When the average citizen looks deeply into this issue, I am confident they will reach a conclusion that is very different from that of our foreign minister and our government.
* The author is indebted to research & e-debates amongst IP and progressive Bengali circles.
--------------------------------------------------
STATEMENT OF RAJA DEVASISH ROY, CHAKMA CHIEF
& MEMBER, UN PERMANENT FORUM ON INDIGENOUS ISSUES
ON
THE STATEMENT OF THE FOREIGN MINISTER OF BANGLADESH,
DR. DIPU MONI
ON
THE INDIGENOUS STATUS OF THE PEOPLES OF THE CHITTAGONG HILL
TRACTS
AS
MENTIONED IN THE REPORT OF THE 10TH SESSION OF THE
UN PERMANENT FORUM ON INDIGENOUS ISSUES
&
AS REPORTED IN bdnews24.com on 26 July, 2011
Dhaka, 27 July, 2011
I am constrained to have to make a statement controverting a statement of the Hon’ble Foreign Minister of Bangladesh, Dr. Dipu Moni, as reported in the bdnews24.com on 26 July, 2011 and in national daily newspapers of Dhaka on 27 July, 2011 – including the Prothom Alo and The Daily Star - regarding the indigenous status of the hill peoples of the Chittagong Hill Tracts (hereafter “CHT”), generally, and in reference to a report of the UN Permanent Forum on Indigenous Issues, at its tenth session at UN Headquarters in New York, in May, 2011.
The Hon’ble Foreign Minister is reported, among others, as having stated the following:
- “In the constitution, all minorities were recognized generically as minorities, and through the 15th amendment, the present government has categorised them as 'ethnic minorities' and no longer only as 'tribal' people," she said.”;
- “Giving a special and elevated identity to enfranchise only 1.2 percent of the total population of 150 million by disentitling the 98.8 percent cannot be in the national interest of Bangladesh.";
- “[The] foreign minister said very well recorded recent history of the Indian subcontinent and the CHT region reaffirm that the tribal people of CHT migrated to Bangladesh between 16th and 19th centuries from neighbouring countries and Mongoloid nations. "They came here as asylum seekers and economic migrants." The original inhabitants or first nationals of Bangladesh are the ethnic Bengalees by descent that constitute nearly 99 percent of the country's 150 million people.”;
- “The ethnic Bengalees are not colonial settlers, neither are they foreigners or non-indigenous to their own native land and never will be," she stressed.”;
- “From an institutional and legal point of view, the 'ethnic minorities' or 'late settlers' residing in CHT region had been officially recognized as 'tribal' people in all historical documents and references of the Indian sub-continental and colonial documents, she added.”
Statement of the Chakma Chief & Member of the UN Permanent Forum on Indigenous Issues, Raja Devasish Roy, on the Foreign Minister’s Statement
”Ethnic Minorities”
i) The Hon’ble Minister’s reference to the Constitution of Bangladesh, including its 15th amendment in 2011, is incorrect. There is no reference to “ethnic minorities”, or its Bengali version: “jatigoto shongkha-loghu” in the 15th amendment or indeed to any “minorities” groups. In addition to “upajati” (“sub-nations”?), the amendment, in the new article 23A, refers to “small nations/peoples” (“khudro jatishotta), “small ethnic groups” (“khudro nrigoshthi”) and “small communities” (“khudro shomprodai”). Just because the constitution does not explicitly refer to “minorities”, it cannot be denied that minorities groups – whether based upon religious, ethnic or linguistic affiliation - live in Bangladesh. Similarly, it is incorrect to say that there are no indigenous peoples in Bangladesh.
”Enfranchisement & Disentitlement”
(ii) The Hon’ble Minister’s statement on the “enfranchisement” of 1.2 percent of the national population leading to the “disentitlement” of 98.8 per cent of the national population, is incorrect and misconceived. Constitutional recognition of the indigenous status of the excluded, marginalized and disadvantaged 1.2 per cent of Bangladesh’s population would provide a firm platform and legal basis to address the marginality of the members of these populations. It would not provide any privileged status to these groups or to their members. Recognition of the indigenous status of population groups in other countries, including Nepal, the Philippines, Scandinavian countries and Latin American countries did not disentitle non-indigenous groups. It is inconceivable to think that the mere recognition of ‘indigenous’ status of some citizens would “disentitle” or otherwise disadvantage other citizens in governance, political, economic or social spheres, especially when they constitute the overwhelming majority of the country’s population and constitute the political, social and economic elite of the country. Recognition of the indigenous status of peoples is only relevant when they do not constitute the dominant part of a country’s population. It is to address the marginality of of non-dominant population groups’ and their exclusion or marginalization in governance and development, and the discrimination suffered by them, historically and currently,
”Asylum-Seekers & Economic Migrants”
(iii) The Hon’ble Minister’s statement about the CHT indigenous peoples being ”asylum-seekers & economic migrants” may be equally applicable to other Bangladeshi citizens that are of Bengali-speaking or Urdu-speaking origin (belonging to the Islamic faith, who migrated from present-day India or Myanmar). The political, social and economic causes of migration cannot be the basis of disentitlement to indigenous status or citizenship rights or freedom from non-discrimination. If it were to be, it would be discriminatory and violative of the tenets of non-discrimination that are enshrined in international human rights law as jus cogens (peremptory norms of international human rights law) and the fundamental rights clauses of the Constitution of Bangladesh on non-discrimination and special provisions.
Bengalees not being “colonial settlers”, “foreigners” or “non-indigenous”
(iv) The Hon’ble Minister is equating the status of those not regarded as ‘indigenous’ as being “colonial settlers” and/or “foreigners”. While this might be the case in the Americas or in Australia, if at all, the current and progressive discourses on indigenous peoples’ rights do not necessarily construe those not regarded as indigenous to be “colonial settlers” and/or “foreigners”. The status of Bangalees as natives of Bangladesh is not challenged or questioned by the assertion of the indigenous identity of other ethnic groups. Non-indigenous does not mean “settlers”, at least not in Bangladesh and in several other countries of Asia. The indigenous peoples of the CHT fulfill the criteria of “indigenous’, among others, by being (i) descendants of pre-colonial or pre-conquest societies; and (ii) adherence to pre-colonial or pre-conquest political, social and cultural institutions’ norms and customs, among others.
The government is probably stuck in the early 20th century construction of the term “indigenous”, which was confined to the Americas and Australia and New Zealand. This understanding has moved on, in United Nations, and in international human rights, development, environmental, Climate Change and other international processes to include groups hitherto regarded as “tribal’. The misconceived, inaccurate and artificial distinction between “tribal” and ”indigenous” is no longer relevant to the international human rights discourses. The identification of citizens other than as ‘indigenous’ or ‘adibashi” in Bangladesh is not going to exclude the application of international human rights instruments and processes to the groups identifying themselves as ‘indigenous’ or ‘adibashi’ in Bangladesh.
Recognition of 'Ethnic minorities', 'Late Settlers' as 'Tribal' people
(iv) The Hon’ble Minister’s reference to the CHT indigenous peoples as “late settlers” and of their recognition as “tribal people” is substantially incorrect.
The Chakma people, for example, are recorded in history as having lived in a country called “Chacomas”, which was separate from Bengal, Arakan and Tripura, from at least the 1550s, within the boundaries of present-day Bangladesh, such as in the accounts of Portugese geographers and historians. They may have lived in their present territories centuries before that date as well as did other indigenous peoples of the CHT and elsewhere in Bangladesh. In the CHT, Bengali people are not known to have permanently resided in the region before the 19th century. Nowhere in Bengal is there a record of the indigenous peoples or adibashis having displaced Bengalee people and settled therein. Whenever they may have settled therein, these territories were not inhabited by Bengalee people at the time of settlement of the indigenous peoples. In order to qualify as indigenous peoples within the meaning of the ILO Convention No 107 – ratified by Bangladesh – they do not have to have resided therein for millennia – as in the case of indigenous peoples in the Americas or in Australia. The need to have merely settled/lived therein “at the time of conquest or colonization” (18th-19th centuries, for example) and lived in conformity with the political, social and cultural institutions of pre-colonial times is sufficient to qualify as indigenous according to the above convention.
The CHT Accord of the 1997 and some laws of the British period and of the period after the signing of the CHT Accord do regard the indigenous peoples as ‘tribal’ or ‘upajati’ (sub-nations). However, the ‘upajati” term is known to have been accepted under duress, as is confirmed by statements of representatives of the Jana Samhati Samiti (which signed the CHT Accord of 1997) in their public statements on the issue. The terms “indigenous” or “aboriginal” have also been used interchangeably. Examples include the following:
“Aboriginal”
East Bengal State Acquisition & Tenancy Act, 1950 (protected in the First Schedule to the Constitution of Bangladesh)
“Indigenous”
- CHT Regulation, 1900
- Finance Acts of 1995 and 2010
- Poverty Reduction Strategy (PRSP-2008, 2019-10)
- Judgment of the Hon’ble Supreme Court of Bangladesh in Sampriti Chakma v. Commissioner of Customs & Others (5 BLC, AD, 29)
“Adibashi”
- Statements of Hon’ble Sheikh Hasina, Begum Khaleda Zia and Dr. Fakhruddin Ahmed, on goodwill messages on Indigenous Peoples’ Day
- PRSP, 2005
- Small Ethnic Groups Cultural Institutions Act, 2010
Ethnic minority, not indigenous people
FM tells diplomats, editors
The tribal people living in Chittagong Hill Tracts are “ethnic minorities” and they should not be called “indigenous” in the region, the government said yesterday in clearing what it said some recent misconceptions about their identity.
Briefing foreign diplomats and UN agencies in Dhaka, Foreign Minister Dipu Moni said Bangladesh is concerned over attempts by some quarters at home and abroad to identify the ethnic minority groups as indigenous people in the CHT region.
Neither Bangladesh constitution nor any international laws recognise these people as indigenous, she said.
Dipu Moni also explained the issue to editors and senior journalists from print and electronic media in a separate briefing yesterday and urged them to take note of it.
She told the diplomats that the tribal people most certainly did not reside or exist in the CHT before 16th century and were not considered "indigenous people'' in any historical reference books, memoirs or legal documents.
Quoting the Oxford dictionary, the foreign minister said indigenous people are those who “belong to a particular place rather than coming to it from somewhere else”.
Rather, the CHT people were the late settlers on the Bengal soil and the CHT region compared to the Bangalee native ethnic vast majority residing here for more than 4,000 years, she pointed out.
Emerging from the briefing with diplomats, Dipu Moni told journalists there is a move to distract attention from the government's effort to implement the 1997 CHT peace accord by raising the issue that the tribal people are indigenous.
She said implementation of the peace accord is top priority of the government. But the process will be hampered if controversies are created over the tribal people's identity.
Dipu Moni told the diplomats, "We have noted with concern that the "tribal" people or ethnic minorities in the CHT region have been termed "indigenous peoples" of Bangladesh in two paras of the 2011 Report of the Permanent Forum on Indigenous Issues-PFII, in the context of the Chittagong Hill Tracts Peace Accord."
She asserted that there is no internationally accepted definition of "indigenous peoples", and there is no definition of indigenous at all in the UN Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples adopted by the PFII in 2006.
Claiming that the CHT people are tribal and not indigenous, the foreign minister said it is well recorded, and recent history of the Indian subcontinent and the CHT region reaffirms that the tribal people of CHT migrated to Bangladesh between 16th and 19th centuries from neighboring countries and Mongoloid nations during the Mughal rule in Bengal, mostly as asylum seekers and economic migrants.
She said in all acts and laws on the CHT, including the Hill Tracts Act of 1900 and the Hill Districts Council Act of 1989, the CHT ethnic minorities have been identified as "Tribal" population.
Most significantly, in the CHT Peace Accord itself the CHT ethnic minorities have been categorised as "Tribal" and not "indigenous peoples.”
As per the census of 2001, the people of CHT account for less than 1.8 percent of the total population of Bangladesh.
Giving a special and elevated identity to enfranchise only 1.2 percent of the total population of 150 million by disentitling the 98.8persent cannot be in the national interest of Bangladesh, Dipu Moni said.
Reaction of the diplomats was not immediately known.
However, Chakma Raja Devasish Roy told The Daily Star, “The government probably is under the impression that recognising indigenous people might mean extra responsibility to bear.”
He went on, “The constitution does not say that there are no indigenous people in the country. It has not used the word indigenous, but it has not used the word minority either to identify anybody.”
Devasish Roy also referred to the small ethnic group cultural institutions act made in 2010 by the present government where the law itself stated in its definition part that small ethnic group would mean indigenous people.
'Indigenous people' a misnomer: Dipu Moni |  |  | ||
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In a "candid and open meeting" with the ambassadors and other mission heads, Dipu Moni discussed the issues relating to tribal people in the Chittagong Hill Tracts (CHT) from a historical perspective, her aides said.
"Unfortunately, Bangladesh and the ethnic Bangalee nation remain a victim of global misperception about the ancient anthropological roots, colonial history and our identity as a nation," the minister was quoted to have told the envoys.
The minister began her day addressing the deputy commissioners who have gathered in Dhaka for an annual briefing, then rushed for a meeting with the envoys, before arriving late for the luncheon meeting with the editors and media managers.
At the state guest house Padma, she faced and countered rhetoric from a history professor who sought to define the tribal people beyond the accepted terminology, but largely impressed upon the editors to accept her plea not to call them 'indigenous'.
"In the constitution, all minorities were recognised generically as minorities, and through the 15th amendment, the present government has categorised them as 'ethnic minorities' and no longer only as 'tribal' people," she said.
The minister told both groups Bangladesh was concerned that the 'tribal' people or ethnic minorities in the CHT region were being described as 'indigenous peoples' of the country.
She stressed that they were wrongly called 'indigenous peoples' in two paras of the 2011 Report of the Permanent Forum on Indigenous Issues-PFII, in the context of Chittagong Hill Tracts Peace Accord.
"There is a misplaced linkage between the term 'indigenous peoples' and the identity of the ethnic minorities in the CHT region or implementation of the CHT Peace Accord of 1997," Moni told the envoys.
"This record needs to be set right so that Bangladesh's friends and international partners have the right perception of our historical and ethnic roots as a nation."
"The misperception and misrepresentation of historical facts about the ethnic minorities in the CHT is proving counterproductive for the internal political process and spirit of the CHT accord," Moni added.
"The ethnic minorities in the CHT region have been clearly termed as 'Tribal' in the 1997 peace accord, but there are attempts by some vested quarters to establish them as 'indigenous' in some international and UN forums."
"This is solely aimed at securing a privileged status for an established and legally-accepted entity, at the expense of national identity, image and territorial integrity of Bangladesh."
Citing census of 2001, she said the people of CHT constitute less than 1.2 percent of the total population of Bangladesh.
"Giving a special and elevated identity to enfranchise only 1.2 percent of the total population of 150 million by disentitling the 98.8 percent cannot be in the national interest of Bangladesh."
The foreign minister said very well recorded recent history of the Indian subcontinent and the CHT region reaffirm that the tribal people of CHT migrated to Bangladesh between 16th and 19th centuries from neighbouring countries and Mongoloid nations.
"They came here as asylum seekers and economic migrants."
The original inhabitants or first nationals of Bangladesh are the ethnic Bengalees by descent that constitute nearly 99 percent of the country's 150 million people.
"They have all been original inhabitants of this ancestral land for 4,000 years or more according to archaeological proof found in the 'Wari Bateshwar' excavations."
"The ethnic Bengalees are not colonial settlers, neither are they foreigners or non-indigenous to their own native land and never will be," she stressed.
"We had a very distinct culture, ethnic heritage and language when our colonisation took place and we still uphold the same despite our subsequent religious conversions."
From an institutional and legal point of view, the 'ethnic minorities' or 'late settlers' residing in CHT region had been officially recognised as 'tribal' people in all historical documents and references of the Indian sub-continental and colonial documents, she added. -----------------------------------------------
Disregarding the Jumma 15 June 2011
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| Image: jankie, flickr |
This year, Bangladesh was a subject of heated discussion at the tenth session, held between 16-27 May, of the United Nations Permanent Forum on Indigenous Issues (UNPFII). The starting point was a report commissioned by the Permanent Forum. Written by former member of the Permanent Forum Lars-Anders Baer, who went to Bangladesh last year as a Special Rapporteur, the report entitled ‘Study on the status of implementation of the Chittagong Hill Tracts Accord of 1997’ received statements of solidarity from the delegates.
The Permanent Forum, established in July 2000 by the Economic and Social Council (ECOSOC), is a high-level advisory body that deals with indigenous issues related to economic and social development, culture, environment, education, health and human rights. This is the first UN Forum where indigenous peoples directly represent their own interests. It consists of 16 members, half of whom are nominated by the government and the other half by the indigenous peoples, who advise and report directly to the ECOSOC. It reports and makes recommendations to the ECOSOC, raises awareness and promotes coordination of activities relating to indigenous peoples within the UN system, and prepares and disseminates information on indigenous issues. The members meet once each year for ten working days. Governments, UN bodies and agencies, intergovernmental and non-governmental organisations, and organisations of indigenous peoples participate as observers. In 2010, at the ninth session of the Forum, Chakma Raja Devasish Roy was selected, from the Asia region, as one of the 16 indigenous expert members for the period of 2011-2013.
From the very beginning, indigenous peoples’ representatives from Bangladesh have been participating at the Permanent Forum sessions. However, this is the first time that the 1997 CHT accord has been a focus of deliberation and dedicated discussion. After the presentation by Special Rapporteur Baer, observer countries, international human rights organisations, including Amnesty International and International Work Group for Indigenous Affairs (IWGIA), and other national and international human rights organisations voiced their support to the recommendations proposed by the study and urged the government of Bangladesh to accelerate its efforts in implementing the CHT Accord.
Political concoction
Although representatives of the Bangladesh government, including the state minister for CHT affairs, and other indigenous members of the parliament were scheduled to participate in the Forum discussion, they cancelled at the last moment, and Iqbal Ahmed, the First Secretary of the Bangladesh mission to the UN, responded to the report. The thrust of Ahmed’s argument was that there were ‘no indigenous peoples in Bangladesh’ and as such the implementation of the Accord should not have been a topic for the Forum to discuss. He then went on to discuss the structural work that had so far been done by the government, including setting up of the Regional Council, the Hill Districts Councils, the Land Commission and the National Committee for Implementation of the Chittagong Hill Tracts (CHT) Peace Accord. He concluded by saying:
This statement has been delivered for better understanding of everyone present here on the issue which is clearly ‘non-indigenous’ in nature. This effort, hence, should not be misconstrued as a recognition of the authority of the Forum to discuss the issue of CHT affairs. We urge upon the Forum to dedicate its valuable time to discuss issues related to millions of indigenous people all over the world and not waste time on issues politically concocted by some enthusiastic quarters with questionable motives.
Despite one of the members of the Forum, Raja Devasish Roy, being an indigenous person from Bangladesh, it was rather surprising for the first secretary to say that there were no indigenous peoples in the country. Of course this argument has been used before. Although both Sheikh Hasina and Khaleda Zia have used the word ‘adivasi’ (indigenous) in their commemorative statements, and many older government laws use the phrase ‘indigenous hill-men’, the present government has categorically refused to recognise the existence of indigenous peoples in the national and international platforms. In April 2010, Foreign Minister, Dipu Moni, following a declaration made earlier by the Bangladesh National Party (BNP)-led government, stated that Bangladesh did not have any indigenous population. The Ministry for CHT Affairs also reflected this denial on a memo, in which it instructed district-level officials to stop using the terms ‘adivasi’ or ‘indigenous’ in government documents; replacing the terms with the word ‘upajati’ (sub-ethnicity) instead.
Although in their election manifesto, 2008, the Awami League (AL), which now leads the government, had promised to implement the 1997 CHT Accord in full, the Chittagong Hill Tracts continue to be a militarized area, where arson attacks against the indigenous people are frequent. The security forces including the army, police and the Border Guards Bangladesh (BGB), are alleged to be covert supporters of these attacks. In the face of such hostility by a government that was initially seen as secular and minority-friendly, the next option for the indigenous population has been to take their issues to the international community through the UN Permanent Forum.
In response to the government’s disavowal of the existence of indigenous peoples in Bangladesh, indigenous expert member Roy said:
It is important to bear in mind the asymmetry in the status of the two parties to an accord: the state party and the non-state party. If the state reneges on its promises, what can the non-state party do but approach the United Nations? The Permanent Forum is mandated to deal with issues of indigenous peoples, irrespective of terms the governments use to refer to their indigenous peoples: ‘tribes’ or ‘ethnic minorities’ or otherwise.
Military bias
The first secretary in his statement had objected to two specific recommendations Special Rapporteur Baer made in his report, calling them ‘out of context’. Both of the recommendations were in regards to the UN peacekeeping forces from Bangladesh. While section 56 of the study recommended that the Department of Peacekeeping Operations of the UN Secretariat (UNPKO) ‘develop a mechanism to strictly monitor and screen the human rights records of national army personnel prior to allowing them to participate in peacekeeping operations under the auspices of the United Nations’, section 58(a) recommended that it also ‘prevent human rights violators and alleged human rights violators within the security forces of Bangladesh from participating in international peacekeeping activities under the auspices of the United Nations’. Bangladesh has been sending troops as part of the UN Peacekeeping Operations since 1988 (the year the UNPKO won the Nobel Peace Prize) and is currently the top Troop Contributing Country (TCC). It has participated in 46 UN peacekeeping missions in 32 countries with approximately 100,000 uniformed personnel. This has been lauded both abroad and at home, and has been a source of considerable pride for the military, the state and citizens.
At the same time, however, indigenous peoples in CHT continue to bring allegations against the Bangladesh Army of its biased stance and actions against them, and of abetting or tolerating human rights violations in the area. For example, in February 2010, settlers burned more than 400 homes of indigenous people in villages across Baghaihat, Rangamati to the ground. The army personnel, who were present in the area in the Baghaihat zone, are accused to have done nothing to stop the arsonists and working instead as a ‘shield’ to protect the settlers. Non-cooperation from the government meant that no independent investigations were conducted into this case. Apart from biased views and actions, the army is also accused of displacing indigenous people from their lands to increase requisitioned land for military garrisons in the CHT.
In the CHT Accord of 1997, an agreement to dismantle all temporary military camps, apart from the six designated cantonments, from the area was reached. A promise to form a functioning Land Commission, which would resolve all land disputes, was also made. However, the present Land Commission and its Chairman’s blatant ‘pro-Bengali’ bias, combined with the continued racial and communal bias displayed by the Bangladesh government and regional administration has meant that the leaders of the indigenous peoples have run out of hope that the Accord will ever be implemented.
Time too is running out for the implementation of the Accord during the tenure of the present AL-led government. The Permanent Forum has provided the Jumma (collective name for the indigenous hill peoples in the CHT) with a platform to reach out to indigenous peoples from different parts of the world and put pressure on the government to implement the accord. However, first, the Government of Bangladesh should recognise that it is its own failure that it could not take concrete steps to execute the clauses of the fourteen-year-old accord and that it could not alter its continued anti-indigenous peoples attitude – which led to the internationalisation of the issue in the first place. Overused statements containing phrases like ‘politically concocted’ will not succeed in shifting the blame.
~ Hana Shams Ahmed is a member of the Drishtipat Writers’ Collective. She can be reached at hana@drishtipat.org.
Bangladesh says has no ‘Indeginous Population’
Muktasree Chakma Sathi
Bangladesh said that there was no ‘indigenous population’ in the country and raised objection to the study of the UN Permanent Forum on Indigenous Issues on the status of the implementation of the CHT Accord of 1997 claiming that the accord had nothing to do with ‘indigenous issues.’
The country clarified its stand over indigenous issues in the ongoing 10th session of the UN forum at the UN headquarters in New York on May 25, said the International Jumma Organization.
Iqbal Ahmed, the first secretary of the Bangladesh mission to the United Nations, represented the country in the session especially marked for discussions on the report prepared by UN special rapporteur Lars Anders Baer as no official delegation from the country attended.
A high-level delegation from Bangladesh, led by the state minister for CHT affairs, Dipankar Talukdar, cancelled their trip to New York at the last minute.
‘Bangladesh does not have any “indigenous’ population”… The Accord has nothing to do with “indigenous issues” and therefore, the government of Bangladesh reiterates its position that the forum, which is mandated to deal with “indigenous issues”, does not have any locus standi in discussing the issues related to the CHT Peace Accord,’ Iqbal told the session.
‘We urge the (UN) forum to dedicate its valuable time to discuss issues related to millions of indigenous people all over the world and not waste time on issues politically concocted by some enthusiastic quarters with questionable motives.’ he added.
Iqbal termed ‘out of context’ Paragraph 56 and 58(a) of the Baer report. Paragraph 56 suggests the development of a mechanism to strictly monitor and screen human rights records of the military personnel before allowing them to participate in peacekeeping operations.
Paragraph 58(a) recommends that the department of peacekeeping operations should prevent human rights violators and alleged human rights violators within the security forces of Bangladesh from participating in international peacekeeping activities under the United Nations.
During his fact-finding mission, Baer met civil administration of the Chittagong Hill Tracts and members of the cabinet, including the ministers for foreign affairs, CHT affairs, law, and land, as well as the permanent representative of Bangladesh to the United Nations. He also presented the draft report to the Bangladesh government but did not receive any response.
The government delegations from Denmark and Guatemala, international Indigenous People’s representatives, and international human rights groups, however, differed on Iqbal’s view and said that Bangladesh had not done enough to implement the accord.
They also questioned the government’s sincerity about the implementation of the accord, delay in accord implementation and continuation of militarisation in the Chittagong Hill Tracts. They demanded immediate withdrawal of all temporary army camps from the hill tracts and rehabilitation of the inhabitants.
UNPFII member Raja Devasish Roy, who is also the traditional chief of the Chakma community in the Chittagong Hill Tracts, said, ‘The permanent forum is mandated to deal with issues of indigenous peoples, irrespective of what term the governments use to refer to their indigenous peoples: “tribes” or “ethnic minorities” or otherwise.’
Referring to the parties to the accord, Devashish said that the state reneges on its promises and the non-state party has no other option but to approach the United Nations.
Mangal Kumar Chakma of the Parbatya Chattagram Jana Sanghati Samiti, which signed the 1997 accord on behalf of the hill people, said, ‘Lack of sincere political commitment and hostile bureaucracy, both civil and military, are the main elements hindering the implementation of the CHT accord.’
Steen Hansen of the Danish delegation said that Denmark would like to encourage Bangladesh to set up a roadmap with a timeframe to implement the accord.
Andrew Erueti of the Amnesty International and the IWGIA termed the progress of the accord ‘painfully slow.’
UNPFII members Daley Sambo and Saul Vicente, Tarcila Rivera of the Global Women’s Caucus, U Kyaw Zan of the Chittagong Hill Tracts Citizen’s Committee, Wasfia Nazreen of Ain o Salish Kendra, Lina Lushai of the Kapaeeng Foundation and Bangladesh Adivasi Forum, Andrea Carmen of International Indian Treaty Council and Niko Walkeapaa of Saami Council also made responses to the statement of Bangladesh.
-----------------------------------------10th Session of the United Nations Permanent Forum on Indigenous Issues
May 16-27, 2011
New York
Agenda Item 8:
Future Work of the Permanent Forum:
Report on the Implementation Status of the Chittagong Hill Tracts Accord of 1997
25 May, 2011
Intervention by:
Raja Devasish Roy
Member, UN Permanent Forum on Indigenous Issues
Madame Chairperson, Indigenous, state & non-governmental delegations, ladies & gentlemen
CONGRATULATIONS TO RAPPORTEUR
I offer my congratulations to Mr. Lars Anders Baer for his report on the Implementation Status of the Chittagong Hill Tracts Accord of 1997 (E/C.19/2011/6). It is well-researched and factual, and contains reasonable and implementable recommendations. I also commend the observer governments for participating in the discussion today. This is what the Forum is all about: to have dialogues between indigenous peoples, governments and others. I wish more of this were to happen, here in the plenary of this Forum, in side events parallel to the sessions and in informal discussions over meals or at the governmental missions in New York.
PERSONAL INVOLVEMENT IN ACCORD NEGOTIATIONS
Before I enter into the substantive discussion, let me share with you some personal experiences in relation to the Accord. Immediately before the signing of the agreement on 2 December 1997, at the invitation of the Government of Bangladesh and that of the JSS - the CHT indigenous peoples’ political party under whose leadership the Accord was signed - I helped facilitate the final negotiations on the contents of the Accord. I therefore share in the joys and sorrows surrounding the Accord in a personal manner.
DIALOGUE WITH PRIME MINISTER OF BANGLADESH
I believe in dialogue and discussion as an important way to resolve differences and close gaps and therefore seize every opportunity for dialogues. I am grateful to the Prime Minister of Bangladesh, Hon’ble Sheikh Hasina, for having given me an opportunity to discuss matters of the Chittagong Hill Tracts at a one-to-one meeting recently. We have agreed over several matters on the issue of implementation of the Accord and on constitutional reform. In some areas we do have differences, and I would certainly hope that the gaps can be narrowed. I would like to hope that we can have similar dialogues between indigenous leaders and government leaders and officials at different levels.
CHT ACCORD AS ROLE MODEL
As mentioned by the Rapporteur Lars Anders Baer, and the chairperson, Mirna Cunningham Kain, the CHT Accord can serve as a role model for other countries and regions, at least with regard to its contents. The provisions on (i) the resolution of land disputes through an inclusive commission invoking customary law; on (ii) indigenous justice systems; and on (iii) the recognition of customary law, are examples of legal recognition of indigenous peoples’ rights that are worthy of replication in other parts of the world. Implementation, however, is another matter altogether.
THE “HALF-EMPTY” VERSUS “HALF-FULL” GLASS: THE UNIMPLEMENTED PROVISIONS
The question of implementation and non-implementation may be looked at as the “half-full” versus “half-empty” glass. The representative of the Government of Bangladesh has drawn our attention to what is inside the “half-full” glass: the birth of new institutions (like the Ministry of Chittagong Hill Tracts Affairs), the passage of laws and on development allocations, while many of the indigenous and other participants at the discussion on the agenda item today have conversely referred to what is not inside the “half-empty” glass. Unfortunately, as pointed out by Rapporteur Baer and the indigenous and NGO participants today, many crucial provisions of the Accord remain unimplemented or inadequately addressed, including on (i) de-militarization; (ii) rehabilitation (particularly of internally displaced indigenous persons); (iii) land dispute resolution, and (iv) devolution to autonomous regional and district-level councils. In addition, following the spirit, if not the letter, of the Accord, the matter of impunity for human rights violations, remains glaringly un-addressed.
DYSFUNTIONALITY OF THE LAND COMMISSION
The representative of the Government of Bangladesh mentioned that the non-functioning of the CHT Land Disputes Resolution Commission was caused by the non-cooperation of the “tribal members” of the commission. As an ex-officio member of this commission – along with the two other traditional chiefs or rajas, and the indigenous chairpersons of the regional, and district, councils – I can say that this is definitely not the cause of the main problems concerning the commission’s work. In fact, it is the unilateral and undemocratic activities of the commission’s chairperson, bypassing the indigenous members, who has purported to focus the commission’s work on land survey (which the commission is not mandated to do) instead of dispute resolution (which is the mandated function of the commission), that is one of the major problems concerning the commission’s work.
TERMINOLOGY: ‘INDIGENOUS’, ‘TRIBAL’, ‘MINORITIES’
The issue of the mandate of the Forum on ‘indigenous issues’ and the identity of indigenous peoples from different countries, including Bangladesh, perhaps needs to be clarified. The Permanent Forum deals with issues of indigenous peoples, but indigenous peoples on different countries may be known by names other than indigenous, including ‘tribes’ or ‘ethnic minority’, or otherwise. Despite the use of such varied terminology, these peoples are, and will be regarded as ‘indigenous’ by the Permanent Forum within the meaning of its mandate on ‘indigenous issues’.
The ILO Conventions on Indigenous Peoples (Nos. 107 and 169) mentions both ‘indigenous’ and ‘tribal’ groups but clarifies that the provisions of both conventions apply equally to both groups, indigenous or tribal, equally. Therefore, the current regime of international human rights law (including the ILO Conventions and the UNDRIP) does not distinguish between tribal and indigenous peoples, with indigenous peoples being the currently accepted terminology. Therefore, the CHT Accord and issues of indigenous peoples in different countries (whether called ‘minorities’, ‘tribal’ or otherwise) are undeniably within the mandate of the Permanent Forum.
ASSYMETRICAL PARTIES TO ACCORDS & THE UN PERMANENT FORUM AS THE APPROPRIATE FORUM TO ADDRESS ACCORD-IMPLEMENTATION
When dealing with problems related to implementation of peace accords, such as the one on the Chittagong Hill Tracts, it is important to bear in mind the asymmetry in the status of the two parties to an accord: the state party and the non-state party. The non-state party, once it carries out its part of the deal – namely, to deposit arms, cease fighting and return to normal life – is decidedly the weaker party, who must then wait for the state, the stronger party, to deliver, or not deliver, what it is supposed to deliver. And if the state reneges on its promises, what can the non-state party do? Where and to whom can it go to for redress? Unfortunately, there is no specific United Nations or other international forum that can address the issue of non-implementation of accords. In fact, the Permanent Forum is one of the few UN bodies that are mandated to deal with the issue: through dialogue and discussion. This Forum is therefore, definitely within its mandate on human rights, and on economic and social development, to deliberate on the matter of peace accords involving indigenous peoples. The Forum should therefore facilitate and encourage more dialogues on peace accords, conflict resolution and peace-building to try and close the gap between parties to accords in its future sessions.
Thank you.
-----------------------------------------------Press Conference on Implementation of Chittagong Hill Tracts
Peace Accord in Bangladesh
At a Headquarters press conference today, human rights activists urged the United Nations to play a greater role in pushing for implementation of the 1997 Chittagong Hill Tracts Peace Accord in Bangladesh, which was intended to protect the rights of the area’s indigenous peoples.
“The peace accord is a quite good one, but the problem has been in its implementation,” said Lars-Anders Baer, a former member of the Permanent Forum on Indigenous Issues charged by that body’s ninth session with visiting Bangladesh to carry out a study of the accord’s implementation. The Forum had addressed the issue many times, but the pressure on the Chittagong indigenous peoples, and the use of violence against them, had escalated, he added.
Expected to present his report, “Study on the status of implementation of the Chittagong Hill Tracts Accord of 1997” (document E/C.19/2011/6), to the Forum’s ongoing tenth session on Wednesday, Mr. Baer said it includes a series of recommendations for the Government of Bangladesh, a variety of stakeholders and the Permanent Forum. Issued on 18 February 2011, it recommends that the Permanent Forum dedicate the special theme of its twelfth session, or a technical seminar, to conflict-prevention initiatives in the territories of indigenous peoples. The Chittagong Hill Tracts in south-eastern Bangladesh are home to 11 indigenous groups.
Also present at the press conference was Aditya Dewan, President of the International Jumma Association, who said there had been no peace since the signing of the accords, adding that there had been all types of ethnic conflicts between Bengali settlers, placed there by the Government, and the indigenous peoples, even though the two sides had previously lived together for centuries without conflict. It was embarrassing to turn to the outside world in an attempt to achieve peace, he added. “We feel ashamed to talk against Government policy. We want demilitarization. There is no civil government. We have had to go outside for help.” Land settlement was a major issue as hundreds of thousands of indigenous people had been forced off their lands over the past several decades, making way for the Government to resettle about 500,000 people.
Elsa Stamatopoulou, member of the Chittagong Hill Tracts Commission and a lecturer at Colombia University, said women and girls were raped with impunity, a serious situation that had worsened in the last five years. Such acts of violence and other gross violations of human rights, such as the burning of villages, killings and torture, threatened the indigenous peoples, she said. “This situation is one of the most under-reported human rights and humanitarian issues in the world.” The situation was especially relevant to the United Nations because while Bangladesh was one of the Organization’s largest troop-contributing countries, its Government had displaced indigenous peoples so it could use their land for training its military, including troops deployed to peacekeeping operations.
Responding to a question about the army’s use of the areas, Mr. Dewan said Bangladesh had 10,000 soldiers serving in United Nations peacekeeping forces, though they were not maintaining peace in the Chittagong Hill Tracts. It was illegal for the Government to place armies in the area during peacetime. “There is no fighting, no insurgency. We are peace-loving citizens,” he said, adding that the army was undermining the civil population. “Why get that type of treatment from people who are supposed to protect us?”
Ms. Stamatopoulou emphasized that the international community, including the United Nations, must understand the difficult situation and the threats faced by civilians living in the area. Urging the media to call international attention to the situation, she called for the United Nations to provide assistance through the Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights and the Office of the Special Adviser on the Prevention of Genocide. The Bangladesh judiciary, which included many distinguished jurists, could also play a role in protecting those indigenous people threatened with extinction, she added.
Mr. Baer advocated dialogue with the Government and military, stressing that, as Bangladesh marked its fortieth anniversary since independence, it was important that the military followed the rule of law.
Mr. Dewan said indigenous peoples wished to live peacefully in Bangladesh, but the military was initiating conflict between them and the settlers.
-------------------------------------------------------------10th Session of the United Nations Permanent Forum on Indigenous Issues
United Nations Headquarters, New York
May 16-27, 2011
Agenda Item: 7 – Future work of the Permanent Forum, including issues of the Economic and Social Council and emerging issues: Special Rapporteur’s study on the status of implementation of the Chittagong Hill Tracts Accord of 1997
Statement by the Saami Council
United Nations Headquarters, New York
May 16-27, 2011
Agenda Item: 7 – Future work of the Permanent Forum, including issues of the Economic and Social Council and emerging issues: Special Rapporteur’s study on the status of implementation of the Chittagong Hill Tracts Accord of 1997
Statement by the Saami Council
I thank you Madam Chair for giving me the opportunity to address the Permanent Forum.
The Indigenous Saami Council congratulates the Special Rapporteur on giving an overview of the current state of the implementation of the 1997 Chittagong Hill Tracts Accord.
The Saami Council believes that the 1997 Chittagong Hill Tracts Accord is a foundation legal document that can restore the rights of the Indigenous People of the Chittagong Hill Tracts, and congratulates the Government of Bangladesh for having signed this Accord.
However, we are concerned that most of the important sections of the 1997 Accord remain unimplemented 14 years after the Accord was signed. It is clear that land disputes remains one of the biggest hindrance to peace in the area. The Sami Council would like to express deep disappointment with the fact that the Land Commission, which has the mandate to settle these disputes, has failed to take any positive steps since the appointment of the Chairman nearly two years ago. The Indigenous People have also expressed frustration with the actions of the Chairman of the Land Commission, who they believe are biased towards the Bangali settlers.
We are also worried about the recent spate of attacks that have been taking place in the CHT in last few years, where hundreds of houses of Indigenous People have been burnt down and allegations have been made of the State Security Forces (Army, Border Guard, Police, Village Defense Police) being complicit in these attacks. In an arson attack in February 2010, it was reported in the media and by several human rights organizations, that the Bangladesh Army and Bangladesh Police stood by as silent observers, while the Bangali settlers set fire to more than 500 homes of indigenous people in the Chittagong Hill Tracts. There have already been two arson attacks in 2011 where there have been loss of lives and destruction to property, and again there have been allegations of partial behavior by members of the security forces.
Since the security forces report to the Bangladesh government, we are concerned that the Bangladesh government is being biased toward only Bengali people in the Chittagong Hill Tracts of Bangladesh.
The Saami Council also notes with alarm that while the 1997 Accord calls for dismantling of all military camps in the Chittagong Hill Tracts, the army continues to remain in the area and there have been allegations that the Army has been acquiring even more land of the Indigenous People to increase the size of their garrisons, including Ruma Garrison.
The Saami Council also notes that the Government of Bangladesh is yet to officially recognize the existence of indigenous people, both in Chittagong Hill Tracts and in the plainlands, in the Constitution of the country. Bangladesh Government calls them “small ethnic groups” or “sub nations”, even though Indigenous People of Bangladesh have clearly indicated these terms are not acceptable to them. One of the fallout from this is that the Indigenous People’s languages are becoming extinct, losing a world cultural heritage. Article 13, 14 and 16 of the UN Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous People clearly spells out the need for Indigenous People to exercise the right to establish and control their educational systems and institutions, and provide education in their own languages. However the marginalization of Indigenous People from the Constitution of Bangladesh has led them to slowly lose their language.
The Saami Council supports the recommendations made by the Special Rapporteur in the study and proposes that the Permanent Forum should:
- Urge the Government of Bangladesh to declare a timeline and modality to fully implement the 1997 Chittagong Hill Tracts Accord, which they have signed.
- Urge the Government of Bangladesh to immediately take appropriate steps to make the necessary amendments to the Land Dispute Settlement Resolution Act 2001, in line with the 1997 CHT Accord, to solve the land related problems of the indigenous Peoples of the Chittagong Hill Tracts.
- Urge the Government of Bangladesh to ensure that all institutions being set up under the 1997 CHT Accord, including Land Commission, have full representation of Indigenous People at the highest decision-making level. In addition, decision-making powers in these institutions should be in the hands of civilians at all times.
- Urge the Special Parliamentary Committee for Constitutional Amendment to recommend that the indigenous people should be recognized in the Constitution as ‘indigenous people’ in line with the ILO 107 ratified by Bangladesh and ILO Convention 169.
- Urge the Government of Bangladesh to allow teaching in the Indigenous People’s mother tongue at primary level.
Thank you for your time Madam Chair.
---------------------------------------Rally at UN calls on Bangladesh to implement 1997 CHT Accord and remove Temporary Army Camps from region
May 24th 2011, United Nations, New York
The International Jumma Organization in association with Friends of CHT, Bangladesh, organized a large rally outside the United Nations. It was attended by large numbers of Jumma people from Bangladesh who now live in the United States. Also in attendance were Bengali people living in New York, and indigenous peoples‟ activists from countries in Latin America, Africa, Asia and Europe who are attending the 10th session of the United Nations Permanent Forum on Indigenous Issues (UNPFII).
Speakers at the rally outside the UN emphasized that the Bangladesh government had signed the 1997 CHT Accord, and therefore had a duty to implement the Accord. The continued militarization of the region was condemned as a major violation of the Accord.
In the opening statement, Victoria Tauli Corpuz, the former chairperson of UN Permanent Forum for Indigenous Issues and current member of Chittagong Hill Tracts Commission, said, “I visited burnt down villages, including Mahalchhari in 2003, and also other villages recently, in the Chittagong Hill Tracts. These are villages burnt down in the presence of the Army. We are asking the UNPFII to look at this. Bangladesh army needs to stop these human rights violations, and there should be investigations into the attacks, which are happening very systematically.”
Dr Dina Siddiqi of Bangladesh, visiting Professor at Columbia University, framed the conflict in terms of the majority Bengali population‟s privileges: “As long as some groups are excluded from full citizenship rights, the majority will have privileges rather than rights- privileges that will be tenuous and need to be secured constantly. We need to rethink the way we understand nationalism – we want to build up a just nationalism, not an exclusionary one, in which asking for rights is not construed as being against the national interest.”
Colonel Kirti Ranjan Chakma, retired officer, Bangladesh Army stated, “The army was given an absolute authority to control the affairs in the CHT. The political government of Bangladesh is practically powerless to decide anything related to CHT. Continued heavy presence of the army contributes to human rights violations in the entire region. We also hear of the involvement of the Army in backing Bengali settlers in their attempts to grab Indigenous Peoples‟ land. For peace to be sustained and prevailed in the CHT, it is necessary that the army should be withdrawn immediately from all temporary camps mounted all over the CHT.”
Both Colonel Chakma and Dr. Dewan emphasized that Jummas are peace-loving people and want to be treated as equal citizens of Bangladesh. They stressed the fact that they were ashamed to come on a world stage and complain about something that is happening in their homeland and in their own country, and urged the government to implement the 1997 Accord.
Chief Wilton Littlechild, Chair of the Peace & Reconciliation Commission of Canada, said, “So long as the sun shines and grass grows and rivers flow, all treaties should be respected, and now these are enshrined in UNDRIP. We support the call of your people for implementation of the CHT Accord-- for demilitarization, resolution of land disputes and full participation of Indigenous Peoples.”
Andrea Carmen, Director, International Indian Treaty Council, said, “We share a common history of common struggles. Our villages were also burnt. You are not alone. US government is a supporter of the Bangladesh military. We will do our best to address your situation, to bring justice and peace.”
Mattias Ahren, President, Saami Council said, “A few years ago I visited CHT. It was beautiful but also sad to see how heavily militarized the area was. The Saami people were also once subject to forced assimilation. We hope your struggle will prevail and soon, and the Saami people show you solidarity.”
Lola Garcia-Alix, Director of IWGIA Secretariat, spoke about her experiences working on Chittagong Hill Tracts issues in the early 1990s. This was the time of the first international attention to human rights violations in the region, which resulted in publication of the landmark study, „Life is Not Ours‟.
Saiti Louwa, from the El-Molo Women‟s Group, Kenya focused on women‟s issues: “We are in solidarity and call upon the Bangladesh government to implement the Accord. As women, we are in solidarity with the women of Bangladesh. We do understand the pain of being excluded and marginalized.”
The event was moderated by Dr Aditya Dewan, President of the International Jumma Organization.
Press Release issued by:
International Jumma Organisation
New York, USA
24 May 2011
----------------------------------------------
An Open letter to the Bengali Intellectuals
date 22/05/2011
In the liberation war hundreds of thousands of Bangladeshi gave their lives for the independence of
Bangladesh . Jumma people also side by side with Bengali people fought in order to free the country
from Pakistan . As a nation Bangladesh will never forget Pakistani aggression, barbarous killing and
painful experience. Have we learnt anything out of this experience? Becoming a free country during
the last 40 years period the regime from Shaik Mujibur Rahman to his daughter Shaik Hasina out of
this freedom so far what the Jummo people received from Bengali except unfolding misery, killing,
losing land, uncertain daily lives, injustice, discrimination you name it and be the judge.
Father (Sheik Mujibur Rahman) started to create the problem in CHT and the daughter in the name
solving it has signed a peace accord 14 years ago. As a result she was given applaud and overwhelming
support by the conscious people across the globe. Also she was given chances twice coming to the power
and to implement the accord which she promised to the people of Jumma. Keeping the peace accord is in
limbo no one knows what is her motive, how long Prime Minister Sheik Hasina will keep on giving false
hope to the people of Jumma or whether at all she will implement the peace accord or may be she is simply
buying time in order to get support from the Jummas third time to come to the power.
As matter of fact it is a national problem since the Bengali settlers have been brought in CHT to occupy
land from all over of the country. In order to solve it the Bengali intellectuals (Lawyers, Doctors, Engineers,
Teachers, Businessmen, Journalists, Human rights activists and all common people with wisdom) can play
a significant role like they played during the period of independence of Bangladesh . They should not simply
rely on the politicians, the army and the bureaucrats. It seems that they are not keen to solve this problem.
So far I know there are many liberal Bengali, human rights activists fighting against the govt. to implement
the accord.
Solving the problem of CHT will not only bring peace and stability to the Jumma people of CHT also in
the world it will create a crystal clear good image in human rights issue for Bangladesh . Political stability
and human rights records are very important in order to integrate in the globalized economy and to attract
the western investors. So far Bangladesh still far behind for improving both impediments. More or less it
will hamper the problem of CHT for the development of Bangladesh as a human rights issue.
Joining in the globalized economy China became the second largest economy but not long ago it was no
where near to replace the position of Japan . It is plausible the prediction of expert, eventually China will
take the position of United State and India will be the 3rd largest economy. Thanks geography as Bangladeshi
we are fortunate, this country happens to be a neighbouring state of two future powerhouses of economy.
Eventually the economy will spread across the region. Improving human rights record, political stability and
unlocking the windows of opportunity to the open world it is up to the people of Bangladesh how much they
will be able to make a catch out of this economy spread.
In this region there are two possible rivals Pakistan and Myanmar will try to make a better catch than
Bangladesh out of this spread economy. So what! Bangladesh has reason to show its superiority than those
countries. Unlike in Pakistan , the power in Bangladesh is less likely to fall into hand of Islamic extremists.
There is no more open secrete about Islam phobia, the western investors do not like to invest where there
is Islamic fundamentalism. Myanmar is also a future focal point for the western investors but the barricade
is there for them; the current regime does not want to change its policies despite sporadic pressure from the
western world.
We urge Bengali intellectuals looking towards the country’s future prosperity in the region to be a part
of economy player to give a wake up call nationwide to fight against the government why doing so much
delay purposely the process of peace accord in CHT.
Is there any F W de Klerk out there among the Bengali people who can make a smile to the face of Jumma
people of CHT by implementing peace accord, giving back the occupied lands and their rights? As we all
know a winner of Nobel Peace Prize in 1994 F W de Klerk the last South African white President made smile
to the people of South Africa by handing over power to the black majority.
We are very sure there are many wise and intellectual Bengali people out there who can demonstrate their
intelligence and wisdom in solving the problem of CHT. As we have seen less than three decades ago Punjab
was a so called trouble state of India . In the news paper we have seen in ours eyes the dead body of Ms Indira
Gandhi who was assassinated in 1984 by gun bullet of Sikh’s body guard. Solving the problem of Punjab once
for all the Ms Indira Gandhi’s congress party of India has demonstrated it wisdom by electing a Prime Minister
from Punjab minority Sikh back ground and this is an example of real wisdom.
As a President Barrack Hussein Obama before being elected many white supremacy supporters thought that it
was a joke if you talked about a future black president in the USA . During the election the overwhelming support
across the globe was so extraordinary if the opportunity was given to them to cast their vote probably their
winning percentage of votes would have been more than their counterparts in the USA . Since Mr. Obama was
accepted by the majority people of USA and the world, the limited number of people in that country could not
stop him becoming a president.
We may or may not but the majority and the world do accept. There is no way to forced stop the unstopping.
The peace accord was accepted by the people of CHT, the majority people of Bangladesh and the world.
Because of limited numbers of people who are still struggling to accept they are the army, the secretaries who
also miss interprets the situation of CHT differently to the Bengali people. Time goes by like this there will be
more unrepairable damage. 40 years ago if Sheik Mujibur Rahman solved the problem of CHT thing would
have been different. Can you exterminate all the Jumma people? The answer is no. The Jumma people need
Bengali and vice versa. In order to see country’s prosperity Bangladesh can not afford to waste anymore time.
So why the use of delaying the peace accord to implement before becoming too late to repair the damage is
done. Now is the time not to wait another 40 years to solve the long pending problem of CHT and stop the
out cry once for all so that we can together make a happy and prosperous Bangladesh paving the way of human
rights issue and giving back the rights those Jummas deserved in CHT.
Tamjang Chakma
President
Temmang Chakma
General Secretary
Jummo Displaced People Across the World (JDPAW)
To
TAKEAKI MATSUMOTO,
Honorable Foreign Minister,
Ministry of Foreign Affairs,
Government of Japan.
Subject: A memorandum to the Foreign Minister, the Government of Japan on the present situation of Chittagong Hill Tracts (CHT), Bangladesh
Source: The World Jummo Voice of Japan, the Jumma People Network of Japan and Jumma Net of Japan
Your Excellency,
We, the representatives and under signed persons of above mentioned organizations, would like to congratulate you as the Foreign Minister of Japan and inform about the ongoing situation of Chittagong Hill Tracts (CHT), Bangladesh. We are convinced that the Government of Japan is playing a key role to the developmental affairs of Bangladesh. Japan is the highest donator in different developmental projects of Bangladesh. The Government of Bangladesh can’t run these developmental projects without the help of Japan. In a word, the Japanese economic help is the most important factor in the economic affairs of Bangladesh. We appreciate the Japanese Government for this generosity to Bangladesh as a whole.
It is very regrettable matter that the Indigenous Jummo Peoples of CHT have been facing severe problems for long time. The Indigenous Jummo Peoples of CHT are ethnically, linguistically, religiously and culturally different from the Majority Bengali Muslim population. This different identity is the root- cause of the problem.
Ministry of Foreign Affairs,
Government of Japan.
Subject: A memorandum to the Foreign Minister, the Government of Japan on the present situation of Chittagong Hill Tracts (CHT), Bangladesh
Source: The World Jummo Voice of Japan, the Jumma People Network of Japan and Jumma Net of Japan
Your Excellency,
We, the representatives and under signed persons of above mentioned organizations, would like to congratulate you as the Foreign Minister of Japan and inform about the ongoing situation of Chittagong Hill Tracts (CHT), Bangladesh. We are convinced that the Government of Japan is playing a key role to the developmental affairs of Bangladesh. Japan is the highest donator in different developmental projects of Bangladesh. The Government of Bangladesh can’t run these developmental projects without the help of Japan. In a word, the Japanese economic help is the most important factor in the economic affairs of Bangladesh. We appreciate the Japanese Government for this generosity to Bangladesh as a whole.
It is very regrettable matter that the Indigenous Jummo Peoples of CHT have been facing severe problems for long time. The Indigenous Jummo Peoples of CHT are ethnically, linguistically, religiously and culturally different from the Majority Bengali Muslim population. This different identity is the root- cause of the problem.
As a result, the situation of CHT remains always in tense and some what has been deteriorating day by day. . The Indigenous Jummo Peoples of CHT are the victims of gross human rights violations such as - massacres, arson attacks, inhuman tortures, illegal arrests, arbitrary detentions, disappearances, rape of women, land grabbing etc. They are also victims of mass eviction from the ancestral homesteads.
The first mass eviction had been taken place in early 60th decade of 19th century when the then Pakistani Government was established a hydro-electricity project by building a dam at Kaptai.
The dam had created a big water reservoir by which hundreds of thousands of Indigenous Jummo Peoples were evicted from there Ancestral homesteads. Many of them were taken shelter in the neighboring Indian states of Mizoram, Tripura and Arunachal Pradesh etc.
Unfortunately, those who took shelter in Arunachal Pradesh have still been living without rights to citizen. You would also be astonished to hear that killing, arson attack, land grabbing, rape of women, arrest, torture, disappearance, harassment against the Indigenous Jummo Peoples are matter of their daily lives.
Very recently, there was a bloody clash between Indigenous Jummo Peoples and Bengali Muslim Settlers where at least two Muslim Settlers died and more than 50 Jummo households burned to ashes. Many Jummos have been seriously injured and missing. It was taken place on 17 April 2011 in Ramgarh and Manikchari Upazillas of Khagrachari Hill District when the Muslim Settlers went to occupy the land of Jummos.
On 17 February 2011 the Muslim Settlers have attacked the Jummo villages of Gulshakhali Union of Longudu Upazilla of Rangamati Hill Disrict. They have burned down Jummo houses and injured many Jummo villagers. Besides, last year on 19 February 2010 in Baghaihat of Rangamati Hill District and on 21 February 2010 in Khagrachari Town were taken place same incidents where at least two Jummos were killed by military brushfire and several hundreds of Jummo households burned to ashes. The reasons of the incidents were also the occupation of land of Jummos by Muslim Settlers under direct patronization of military.
This kind of incident has been taking place in CHT continuously since the independent of Bangladesh in 1971. There were more than a dozen of massacres have been taken place, thousands of Jummos have been evicted from their ancestral homesteads, hundreds of thousands of acres of lands have been grabbed by the Muslim Settlers, Numerous Jummo women have been raped by military and Muslim Settlers during this time in CHT. It is mentionable that the military or para-military or armed police or ansars or vdp(Village Defence Party) are directly involved in every incident. Their duty is to protect the Muslim Settlers and encourage to occupying the land of Jummos by creating riot in CHT.
What is the very reason of all these happenings against the Indigenous Jummo Peoples of CHT? The main reason of all incidents against the Jummos is the 'Bengali Muslim Settlement Policy' of Bengali Rulers.
In other word, the 'Ethnic Cleansing Policy' of Bengali Rulers against the Indigenous Jummo People of CHT. The policy was planned immediately after the independent of Bangladesh and the Master of Bangladesh independent Mr. Sheikh Muzibur Rahman was the main planner of the policy. After his dead by a military coup, military rulers General Ziaur Rahman and Hussain Muhammad Ershad to settle down more than one hundred thousand Bengali Muslim Families in CHT between the years of 1979-1982 executed the plan.
And to protect the Muslim Settlers the military rulers have deployed hundreds of thousands of military, para-military, armed police, ansars and vdp etc in the region. After that, Khaleda Zia and Sheikh Hasina Governments have also save-guarded the previous policy, which has still been continuing.
It is important to mention that there was an agreement signed between the Bangladesh Government and the representative of Indigenous Jummo People in 2nd December 1997 to establish peace and stability in the region. The agreement was clearly stated that all temporary Military, Para-military, Armed Police, Ansar camps should be withdrawn and the occupied lands of Jummos by Muslim Settlers should be given back to the original owners.
But the agreement did not implement any Government of Bangladesh. Rather the military command and control over the CHT has still been continuing in the name of 'Operation Uttoron' and the Bengali Muslim Settlement Policy still remains.
Though the present Government of Sheikh Hasina has re-assured to fully implement the agreement in the 'Election Manifesto' of 2008; but there is no sign to implement it yet. Almost half of its tenure has already passed in the meantime. We are worried that the present Government will never implement the agreement at all.
We are aware that the government of Japan is a first class donor to the government of the peoples’ republic of Bangladesh. Therefore, we would like to urge the Japanese government to intervene regarding CHT matters, through we the Jummos have many things in common with the Japanese peoples such as color, religion and etc., it is not because of this reason but because Japan is a major donor country, hence part of the life-force of Bangladesh.
Why should Japan continue its ODA to a country that conducts such ethnic cleansing of its ethnic and religious minorities, a punishable crime against humanity? We urge you only for our survival; as human beings, we want to live. Please stop all kinds of ODA to the government.
In this circumstance, we would like to request the Government of Japan through you as the Foreign Minister to check up the developmental projects that are funded by the Government of Japan and other Japanese co-operation agencies.
Here, we would like to inform you that a huge amount of money has been receiving from the ADB (Asian Development Bank) by Bangladesh Government in different developmental projects of CHT. There is no doubt that this money has been using to feed military administration as well as to protect the Muslim Settlement Policy, which is jeopardizing the existence of Indigenous Jummo Peoples of CHT. It would be very unfortunate that if the humanitarian and developmental aid of Japan to Bangladesh will be used to vanish the existence of Indigenous Jummo Peoples of CHT.
The Indigenous Jummo Peoples of CHT with a small amount of population are very weak and helpless to protect the 'State Policy' of Bangladesh has been conducting against them. Our expectation from the Government of Japan as a 'Civilized Nation' of Asia is very high. The Government of Japan can play an important role to protect the rights of Indigenous Jummo Peoples of CHT.
We hope that the Government of Japan will come forward to save the existence of Indigenous Jummo Peoples by recalling Bangladesh Government to stop all kinds of nexus policy in CHT. On the other hand, the Government of Japan as a highest donator can create pressure on Bangladesh Government to stop ethnic cleansing policy against the Indigenous Jummo People.
It is moral duty of a civilized nation like Japan to avoid any funding to the activities of anti-humanity by any Government of the world. We are very hopeful that the Government of Japan shall re-evaluate the aid policy to Bangladesh and can create pressure to stop ethnic cleansing policy against the Indigenous Jummo Peoples. We are humbly requesting to the Government of Japan to consider our demands, which are very important to save a 'Dying People' of human society. Our demands are as following----
1.To create pressure on Bangladesh Government to stop ethnic cleansing policy against the Indigenous Jummo Peoples of CHT immediately
1.To create pressure on Bangladesh Government to stop ethnic cleansing policy against the Indigenous Jummo Peoples of CHT immediately
2.To create pressure on Bangladesh Government to withdraw all Military, Para-military, Armed Police and Ansar camps and Bengali Muslim Settlers from CHT immediately
3.To create pressure on Bangladesh Government to stop all kinds of further establishment of Military, Para-military, Armed police, Ansar camps and Bengali Muslim Settlement in CHT
4.To create pressure on Bangladesh Government to stop all kinds of human rights violations against the Indigenous Jummo Peoples and to punish those responsible persons of previous killings and arson attacks in CHT immediately
5.To create pressure on Bangladesh Government to implement the agreement which was signed in 2nd December 1997 without any delay
6. Oppose the recruitment of military personnel from Bangladesh in the United Nations Peacekeeping Force
7.Change the Japanese aid policy to Bangladesh and donate only under the condition of not using for the purpose of militarization and Bengali Muslim Settlement in CHT.
Sincerely Yours,
1. Dipti Shankar Chakma
President of the World Jummo Voice of Japan.
2. Nairanjana Chakma
President of the Jumma People Network of Japan
-----------------------------------------10th Session of the United Nations Permanent Forum on Indigenous Issues
May 16-27, 2011
New York
Agenda Item 4 (a):
Human Rights:
Implementation of the United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples
19 May, 2011
Intervention by:
Raja Devasish Roy
Member, UN Permanent Forum on Indigenous Issues
Madame Chairperson, Indigenous, state & non-governmental delegations, ladies & gentlemen
I offer my congratulations to the four former members of the Permanent Forum who authored the paper (E/C.19/2011/2) in response to comments made by Observer States on the annexe to the Forum’s report on its 8th session (E/2009/43): Mr. Lars-Anders Baer, Mr. Bartolome Clavero Salvador, Mr. Michael Dodson and Mr. Carsten Smith. They correctly assert that the Forum is indeed within its mandate to review countries’ follow-up actions with regard to the UN Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples (UNDRIP).
Let me also takes this opportunity to commend several observer state delegations that participated in the discussion on this agenda item yesterday, on 18 May, and/or otherwise provided relevant information about their countries. Also, as my colleague Daley Sambo said, I appreciate the governmental delegations’ participation in the dialogue today in the presence of Prof James Anaya, UN Special Rapporteur on the rights of indigenous peoples. This obviously makes the job of the Forum, in carrying out its work easier, including to “follow up the effectiveness of this Declaration”, as provided in article 42 of UNDRIP.
When the Economic and Social Council established the Permanent Forum - through Resolution 2000/22 dated 28 July 2000 - it provided it with a mandate, among others to:
(a) “Provide expert advice and recommendations [emphasis added] on indigenous issues to the Council, as well as to programmes, funds and agencies of the United Nations, through the Council”;
(b) “Raise awareness and promote the integration and coordination [emphasis added] of activities relating to indigenous issues within the United Nations system”;
(c) Prepare and disseminate information [emphasis added] on indigenous issues;
I can understand that member states of the UN, or at least some of them, may not like to receive a lecture full of advice on what to do on indigenous issues. ECOSOC therefore restricted the advice and recommendation part to the programmes, funds and agencies of the UN system. However, ECOSOC also asked the Forum to raise awareness, promote integration and coordination within the UN system, and prepare and disseminate information. Member states of the UN are obviously an integral part of the UN system, and actually its nuceleus. And if I put it in a light vein, the UN is a “club of the states”. Therefore, raising awareness, integrating and coordinating, and disseminating information cannot but be addressed to the states as well, besides the UN agencies. A pat on the back here, a gentle nudge there, a kind reminder elsewhere about their commitments and words?
Now let me say a few words about the debate on Article 42 of the UNDRIP and implementation of the Declaration and this Forum’s role in such. I specifically wish to address the fears of some states, and I think they are a small number, which I strongly feel are misplaced, as expressed at this Forum in a number of other fora.
I suppose these feelings, in simple words amounted to this: a concern whether the Forum was stepping beyond its mandate and attempting to act like a “treaty-monitoring body” for an instrument that is not, as they call, “legally binding”, meaning, that the UNDRIP is a Declaration, and not a treaty.
But of course the UNPFii is not behaving like a treaty-monitoring body. If it were, it would have insisted on reports, asked questions and provided rulings like a court of law. As I said earlier, the Forum is just trying to facilitate and help the states do what they are supposed to do, to “fully apply” the provisions of the UNDRIP. There is no compunction for any state not to apply provisions of Declarations just because they have not ratified a treaty that expressly refers to the rights concerned. There are states that have not ratified CEDAW, the treaty on discrimination against women. Would the international community today accept any state not a party to CEDAW, to say, “we didn’t ratify CEDAW, and the Declaration on the Elimination of Discrimination against Women is a non-binding instrument, and therefore we are not obliged to eliminate discrimination against women”. If any state did that, that would be contrary to the peremptory norm of non-discrimination that is now enshrined in international human rights law. And the standing of that state would certainly diminish in the eyes of the international community.
In any case, it is well to remember that the UNDRIP does not create new rights from nothing. It does not create special rights for a segment of humanity. It merely articulates, clarifies and contextually interprets existing human rights standards in a truly non-discriminatory manner to ensure that indigenous peoples and individuals are able to exercise their rights in a non-discriminatory manner, as stated in articles 1 and 2 of the UNDRIP.
Let me now refer to article 42 of the UNDRIP. This article asks the UN system, including the states, of course, and specifying the Permanent Forum as well, to do the following, among others:
(a) to promote “respect for” the Declaration;
(b) to promote the “full application of the provisions of the Declaration”; and
(c) to “follow-up the effectiveness of the Declaration”.
These are the things that the Forum is mandated to do, and it is trying to do. And in this, the Forum seeks the cooperation of all, and of course, primarily, of the Observer states members of this Forum, indigenous parliamentarians, the UN agencies, NGOs, academics and indigenous peoples’ organizations and institutions.
Thank you.
-----------------------------------------------stop eviction of the indigenous Jumma people
2011 05 03
'Long March from Ruma to Bandaban, demanding to stop eviction of the indigenous Jumma people from their land in name of expansion of Ruma Garrison and establishment of Headquarter of Bangladesg Border Guard (BGB), by Land Rights Protection Committee and mass people of Ruma'. Started this morning from Ruma; now they have arrived in Bandarban. Their progarm is going on in press club, Bandarban.....
---------------------------------------------
2 May 2011
Press Release
The CHT Commission protests attempted intimidation of media workshop by intelligence agencies
The CHT Commission, with logistic support from the Association from Land Reform and Development (ALRD) has just concluded conducting a journalists’ workshop titled “Reporting on CHT and Indigenous Peoples” from 27-29 April, 2011. Journalists from both Dhaka and the three Chittagong Hill Districts participated in this workshop, the objectives of which were the following:
· To increase awareness of the importance of implementation of the CHT Accord.
· To increase awareness of the importance of recognizing indigenous people in the constitution.
· To increase awareness of the rights of indigenous people in the CHT.
· To increase awareness about international conventions and standards on indigenous peoples signed by the Government of Bangladesh.
However from 28 April National Security Intelligence (NSI) officials attempted to intimidate the Secretariat of the CHT Commission first by asking to send an official to be present throughout at the workshop, then by stationing an official outside the workshop venue for its duration. The NSI official who was stationed outside the workshop questioned several staff at the venue about the nature of the workshop and the participants, and claimed that there was ‘a matter of national security’ involved given the presence of participants from the Chittagong Hill Tracts at the workshop.
One of the lecturers, journalist Saleem Samad, was also questioned on the phone several times by members of the NSI about the nature of the workshop.
The CHT Commission considers these acts as attempts at intimidation and harassment by intelligence officials. The CHT Commission calls on the Bangladesh government to:
· Protect the CHT Commission secretariat from harassment by intelligence officials;
· Protect all journalists from harassment and intimidation;
· More generally, guarantee the right to freedom of expression of journalists and individuals in line with the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, to which Bangladesh is a party; and
· Urgently implement the CHT Accord so that the situation of the Chittagong Hill Tracts is normalized, and the intelligence services stop considering the expression of legitimate concern with the situation in the CHT a threat to national security.
On behalf of the CHT Commission
Eric Avebury Sultana Kamal Ida Nicolaisen
Co-chair of the Co-chair of the Co-chair of the
CHT Commission CHT Commission CHT Commission
---------------------------------------
Attacks on Jumma villages in Ramgarh and Manikchari under Khagrachari district
Total houses burnt in six villages: 95 (including a Buddhist temple), total shops looted: 4, wounded: 13 (out of about 50), confirmed missing: 4 (feared 20)
“I consider this behaviour of the police as purely racist”: Joti Ranjan Chakma chtnews.com
News No. 82/2011, April 19, 2011
Mr Joti Ranjan Chakma, 52, Noapara, Modhupur, Khagrachari town, is an Assistant Divisional Engineer, Public Works Department, Government of Bangladesh. He is one of those injured in the settler attacks on 17 April. He received serious injuries in the head. His right hand and a finger also got fractured.
He is now undergoing medical treatment at a hospital in Chittagong.
chtnews.com spoke to him at the hospital. We reproduce his interview below:
On the day of incident, 17 April, I was returning home from Chittagong by bus (Shanti Paribahan). The bus left Chittagong at 2pm. At about 4pm it reached Jaliapara in Guimara. There were six Jumma passengers in the bus. The settlers dragged us off the bus and began beating indiscriminately.
In fact, we got the news of the incident (clash between Jummas and
settlers) one mile ahead of Jaliapara. I phoned the OC of Matiranga
police station and sought his advice as to whether it was safe for us
to come. He assured us that there was no problem.
After that our bus was taken to Jaliapara with police and BGB escorts.
When we reached Jaliapara, some local Bengali people whispered into the ears of police and BGB members. After that the BGB and police personnel kept aside. I thought some thing was going to happen.
After the BGB and policemen had went away, the Bengalis ordered all the passengers of the bus to get down.
As the passengers refused to get down, they got on the bus.
I was sitting in one of the front rows. My seat No. was 3. I was dragged off the bus.
I had two mobile phone sets and Taka 10,000 in my pockets. The attackers took them away.
I pleaded with them not to beat me. But they would not listen. They
hit me repeatedly in the head and on my back with sticks. I tried to
protect my head with my hands. They beat me till I was unconscious and left me for dead.
There were 30 – 40 police, BGB and army personnel there, but they were silent spectators.
A Bengali bus passenger, who is known to me, (a Bengali peon from
Treasury Office in Khagrachari) took me to a safe place and nursed me. I was drenched in blood.
Then police came and took me to Thana (police station).
I was taken to Guimara police station with serious wounds, but I was
left there without treatment.
When I screamed for medical help no policeman heeded me. When the Bengali peon tried to help me with medical treatment, the police
scolded him. The police wanted me to die without treatment. I consider this behaviour of the police as purely racist.
Later, that Bengali peon informed my family of my situation, and only then was I able to get admitted to Khagrachari Sadar Hospital with the help of Kushum Dewan, a Jumma police officer in Chittagong. It was already 9:30pm when I got to hospital.
When I was being beaten (at Jaliapara), the army and police personnel present there did nothing to save me.
I think the settlers beat me with the intention to kill me. But luckily I have been saved. Why should I be treated like this? I have done no wrong. My only fault is that I am a Chakma.
Though I am a government employee, the government has completely failed to provide protection for me.
When I was being beaten, I repeatedly shouted at the police for help. But they did not come forward.
I am a government employee and my office is in Khagrachari.
I don’t know what happened to the other Jumma passengers. I think they might have faced the same fate.
I don’t think I will recover fully.
----------------------------------------------
Update news 3: Arson attack in Ramgarh
chtnews.com
News No. 78/2011, April 17, 2011
A group of settlers caught Polen Chakma, 23, an employee of IDF, an NGO, and his friend Joyonta Chakma in Guimara bazaar and began beating.
Joyonto Chakma could somehow run away and took shelter in a Bengali house there.
Polen Chakma (father’s name Milon Kanti Chakma of village Nuopara, Dighinala) was also believed to have been able to run away but was caught again.
According to Joyonto, who talked to his friends in Khagrachari, Polen Chakma had sent him a SMS saying that he had taken shelter near a mosque.
Later, the mosque and the adjacent areas were searched but he was not found.
It is feared that he might have been caught again and killed.
In another incident, the settlers stopped a Khagrachari-bound bus belonging to Shanti Paribahan at Jaliapara. There were 7 – 8 Jumma
passengers in the bus, which was left Chittagong at 2:30pm.
It was known from Chitra Chakma, 20, one of the Jumma passengers who called his relatives in Kobakhali village of Dighinala after they came under attack.
She told that the settlers were beating the Jumma passengers. Seconds later her mobile phone was stopped.
Her husband Sona Muni Chakma (25) son of Sundor Kumar Chakma was also among the Jumma passengers.
The fate of the Jumma passengers could not be known.
--------------------------------------------
Breaking News! Breaking News!
Communal Attack by Settlers upon Jumma People at Guimara of Ramgarh
17 April 2011, 4.00 p.m.
Yet On Continue
Today on 17 April 2011 morning around 10 a.m. the settlers continued clearing bushes and making temporary makeshifts and at the same time fell upon the Jumma people, who finding no other alternatives were compelled to resist them. Consequently about 10 Jumma persons were injured among whom 2 persons reported died and 7 settlers were precariously injured among whom 1-3 may likely die.
As a repercussion to it, the settlers under the protection of Army from Guimara brigade started attack upon Jumma People of Rimaram Para and Shankhola Para of Toikarma Mouza under Ramgarh upazila in Khagrachari hill district. Several houses of the Jumma people have been looted and set ablaze.
It is learnt that tension loomed large in the surrounding areas of the upazila and unless the highest authorities of the government of Bangladesh pay attention and interfere communal riots against the Jumma people, under the patronisation of the fundamentalist elements of the army authorities, must spread out there and other places.
.....
PCJSS
(Parbatya Chattagram Jana Samhati Samiti)
Kalyanpur, Rangamati-450000
Rangamati Hill District, Chittagong Hill Tracts
Bangladesh
E-mail: pcjss.org@gmail.com, pcjss@hotmail.com
Tel+Fax: +88-(0)351-61248
Website: www.pcjss-cht.org
---------------------------------
Update news: Arson attack in Ramgarh
chtnews.com
News No. 76/2011, April 17, 2011
AT least one Jumma has been reportedly hacked to death by Bengali settlers in Shonkhola Para village in the presence of the army who were deployed immediately after the breakout of the attack.
The victim has been identified as Remong Marma, 32, (mother’s name Tuichaw Marma).
The fate of another Jumma, Chuicha Aung Marma, could not be known. He was unable to flee the attack and caught by the settlers.
In adjacent Podachara village, the settlers beat up two Marma women. However, their identities could not be known.
Besides, at least seven persons remain missing in this village.
The settlers stopped vehicles at Jaliapara on Chittagong – Khagrachari road and carried out reprisal attacks on Jumma passengers.
One of the Jumma passengers beaten up by settlers has been identified as Joti Ranjan Chakma. He is a government employee and was on his way to Khagrachari from Chittagong.
A Jumma woman named Kalpana Chakma has reportedly taken shelter in a Bengali house after she was forced to get down from a bus.
The settlers also dragged another Jumma and his daughter from a bus at Guimara. The girl is reported to have taken to Ahsania Madrasa. But the father is reportedly missing.
A team of settlers led by Zahedul Alam, a local Awami League leader in Khagrachari, has set out for Ramgarh.
The Jumma members of the Awami League also wanted to be on the team, but their requests have been turned down.
The Jummas fear that the settlers are preparing for more reprisal attacks.
The Jumma organisations have called on the national and international human rights organisations to immediately intervene with the government of Bangladesh to save the Jumma people.
News No. 76/2011, April 17, 2011
AT least one Jumma has been reportedly hacked to death by Bengali settlers in Shonkhola Para village in the presence of the army who were deployed immediately after the breakout of the attack.
The victim has been identified as Remong Marma, 32, (mother’s name Tuichaw Marma).
The fate of another Jumma, Chuicha Aung Marma, could not be known. He was unable to flee the attack and caught by the settlers.
In adjacent Podachara village, the settlers beat up two Marma women. However, their identities could not be known.
Besides, at least seven persons remain missing in this village.
The settlers stopped vehicles at Jaliapara on Chittagong – Khagrachari road and carried out reprisal attacks on Jumma passengers.
One of the Jumma passengers beaten up by settlers has been identified as Joti Ranjan Chakma. He is a government employee and was on his way to Khagrachari from Chittagong.
A Jumma woman named Kalpana Chakma has reportedly taken shelter in a Bengali house after she was forced to get down from a bus.
The settlers also dragged another Jumma and his daughter from a bus at Guimara. The girl is reported to have taken to Ahsania Madrasa. But the father is reportedly missing.
A team of settlers led by Zahedul Alam, a local Awami League leader in Khagrachari, has set out for Ramgarh.
The Jumma members of the Awami League also wanted to be on the team, but their requests have been turned down.
The Jummas fear that the settlers are preparing for more reprisal attacks.
The Jumma organisations have called on the national and international human rights organisations to immediately intervene with the government of Bangladesh to save the Jumma people.
---------------------------------
Settlers burns Jumma houses in Ramgarh
chtnews.com
News No. 75/2011, April 17, 2011
THE settlers have burnt down at least 30 Jumma houses in Uttor Shonkhola Adam and Reyo Morong Para under Hafchari Union of Ramgarh Upazila in an attempt to capture 50 acres of land belonging to Marma community, reports say.
Sources said a group of about 30 settlers from Baro Pilak in Jaliapara went to Shonkhola Para, cleared jungle and planted banana saplings.
When the Jumma villagers protested, the settlers attacked them, resulting in chase and counter-chase.
Later, more settlers were reinforced and the Jumma houses were burnt down.
The Jummas have fled in to the jungle in the face of the settler attack.
The settlers have already captured half of the land belonging to the Jummas in the area. Now they are trying to capture the remainder.
On 14 April, on the day of Boisabi festival, the settlers made another attempt to capture the same land. They cleared jungle in the said land.
The Jummas duly complained to the authorities including Ramgarh Upazila Nirbahi Officer and Superintendent of Police, Khagrachari, but to no avail.
No action was taken against the settlers.
News No. 75/2011, April 17, 2011
THE settlers have burnt down at least 30 Jumma houses in Uttor Shonkhola Adam and Reyo Morong Para under Hafchari Union of Ramgarh Upazila in an attempt to capture 50 acres of land belonging to Marma community, reports say.
Sources said a group of about 30 settlers from Baro Pilak in Jaliapara went to Shonkhola Para, cleared jungle and planted banana saplings.
When the Jumma villagers protested, the settlers attacked them, resulting in chase and counter-chase.
Later, more settlers were reinforced and the Jumma houses were burnt down.
The Jummas have fled in to the jungle in the face of the settler attack.
The settlers have already captured half of the land belonging to the Jummas in the area. Now they are trying to capture the remainder.
On 14 April, on the day of Boisabi festival, the settlers made another attempt to capture the same land. They cleared jungle in the said land.
The Jummas duly complained to the authorities including Ramgarh Upazila Nirbahi Officer and Superintendent of Police, Khagrachari, but to no avail.
No action was taken against the settlers.
----------------------------------
Chakma King, Devashish Roy" I feel that question of how 'properly' the CHT was represented, or not represented, as the case might be, is far less important than the question of how acceptable the Accord's terms were, or are. The Accord does not fulfill the aspirations, or even expectations, of a large number of people in the CHT", observed Chakma King Raja Devashish Roy, while talking to Mohammad Ali Sattar, Assistant Editor, The Daily Star recently.
The Daily Star: In context of the uniqueness of the region, please give us the present socio-economic and political situation in the Hill Tracts.
Raja Devashis Roy: Despite the recent input of development programmes of governmental and non-governmental organisations and other institutions in the CHT, the overall socio-economic situation in the region is a serious cause for concern.
As far as access to basic education, healthcare, electrical power, road networks and transport facilities, sanitary latrines, safe drinking water and basic government extension services are concerned the region is still among the least developed in the country.
Deaths from diarrhea and dysentery, on account of use of unsafe water, are extremely high. Plains and lowlands suitable for irrigation are scarcer in the CHT than any other region. The national goal of achieving 100% literacy in the country is unlikely to be reached soon unless special measures are undertaken. Several upazillas have a literacy rate that is lower than half that of the national rate (amongst them Lakkhichari in Khagrachari, which I visited recently) is reportedly less than 15%. None of the three district headquarters' government colleges offers more than three or four subjects each for Honours or Master's courses. The overall socio-economic situation needs to be assessed not by looking at the sums of money spent recently, but by looking at the socio-economic indicators with context-appropriate tools of assessment.
DS: How about the political situation in the CHT?
RDR: The political situation is far from what it should be, and what it can be. The political rights that were acknowledged through the CHT Accord of 1997 remain largely ignored on account of discriminatory attitudes and ignorance of the specificities of the CHT, or lack of political support at high levels, or a combination of all three.
The intra-indigenous political -- and all too often violent -- conflict between JSS and UPDF exacerbates the issue, but it is not the sole political problem of the CHT. The more important problem is an insufficient understanding at national level of the political history of the CHT as a region whose peoples' political and civil rights (not to mention economic, social and cultural rights) have long been neglected. High-level decision-making for the CHT is until today exercised on the basis of advice from civil and military bureaucrats, ignoring the role of the CHT institutions.
The political situation is worsened by treating the CHT as a "security issue" and employing "counter-insurgency" approaches in a region that has no "insurgency" (the major conflict is intra-indigenous and political). Unlike the period before the ceasefire in the mid-90s, security forces, government installations and personnel are no longer attacked by any CHT armed groups. The current political situation can only improve if the government's policy-makers understand the history of the CHT as a self-governing area, and accordingly devolve adequate authority to the region's specialised institutions under the benign oversight of the national government in Dhaka.
DS: Do you think that the Hill region was properly represented at the Peace Talks and Agreement Signing with the government in 1997?
RDR: I feel that question of how "properly" the CHT was represented, or not represented, as the case might be, is far less important than the question of how acceptable the Accord's terms were, or are. The Accord does not fulfill the aspirations, or even expectations, of a large number of people in the CHT.
DS: What are the impediments to the implementation of the Accord?
RDR: Among the impediments towards implementation is the demonification of the provisions of the 1997 Accord whereby its provisions have been painted black. We have failed as a country to own the Accord, despite the fact that the government of the day is led by the Bangladesh Awami League, under whose leadership the agreement was signed, and who made pledges to implement it fully and faithfully in the last general election.
Another impediment is a perspective that posits: "Implementation of the Accord will jeopardise the sovereignty, security and territorial integrity of the country." I would argue just the opposite. It is implementation of the Accord that will truly integrate the region into the country's path towards development, without artificially and forcefully assimilating the CHT peoples' identity and integrity. But of course, development needs to be a "self-determined" form of development, a form of development that respects cultural identities, collective social rights and the indigenous peoples' ethos of development.
The irony for indigenous peoples in the CHT, like in most parts of the world, is that they did not design the architecture of the state in which they live, and most importantly, they did not have a role in framing the country's constitution. Unless appropriate constitutional reforms are made with their prior, informed consent, there will be no state policy to help facilitate the implementation of the Accord, but mere governmental policies that are fickle, ad hoc and subject to changes according to the political exigencies of the party/parties in power in successive governments.
DS: Tell us something about the present status of the Land Commission. How is it functioning?
RDR: The CHT Land Commission has not, as far as I know, provided a single decision on land-related conflicts in the CHT, in the nature of a civil court, as it is empowered by law. And it should not do without an agreement about its process of work, i.e., subsidiary rules to supplement the 2001 Act have not been framed. It is not functioning properly. There are two basic problems. One is the current chairperson's dictatorial ways. The chairperson has decided the format of hearings, petitions, notices etc. without consulting with the Commission's members, including the chairpersons of the regional and hill district councils and the circle chiefs or Rajas. Moreover, at the behest of the chairperson, and perhaps based on the advice of certain government officials, who are not members of the Commission (only one official, the Commissioner or Additional Commissioner of Chittagong is a member), the Commission purported to start a land survey prior to dispute resolution.
In any case, land survey is within the purview of the hill district council -- which is the institution charged by law with land settlements, leases, transfers, compulsory acquisition and other forms of land use -- not that of the Commission. The Commission may conduct, through the cooperation of the executive local agencies, local surveys only, not a Cadastral survey -- which would be based upon plains land ownership and use concepts largely inapplicable to the CHT, if and when a dispute before the Commission so demands. The Commission's job is not to rehabilitate people displaced on account of its decisions. That political and humanitarian decision belongs to the Government of Bangladesh, to be designed and implemented through the Task Force on Rehabilitation of the India-returned Jumma Refugees and Internally Displaced Hill people in a transparent and democratic manner.
The second major problem with the Commission is the concerned law's (Land Commission Act, 2001) conflict with the letter and spirit of the 1997 Accord. There are problems with regard to the jurisdiction of the Commission, the undemocratic quorum of its members for major decision-making, the arbitrary powers vested upon its chairperson, and problems in the process of delegation of minor authority, among others. I am glad that the Ministry of Land agreed, in principle, to make the necessary amendments to the law, based upon the advice of the CHT Regional Council, which the government is obliged to do in terms of the 1997 Accord and the CHT Regional Council Act of 1998. I am also happy to note that the chairperson of the CHT Accord Implementation Committee has advised the Commission's chairperson to act within the spirit of the Accord.
DS: Regarding the settlers' issue, what are the outstanding problems that need to be resolved first?
RDR: Firstly, it must be acknowledged that the government-sponsored Bengali migrants' existence in the CHT is economically unviable. The conditions of a large portion of the Bengali residents are also a cause for concern. The continued provision of food grain rations to the officially-listed migrants by the Ministry of CHT Affairs proves that. The humanitarian need is to provide the migrants with livelihood security, and not necessarily land grants. I have heard that many of the migrants are willing to be rehabilitated in the regions outside the CHT if they are guaranteed livelihood security. Such rehabilitation can easily be done for a few hundred thousand people, if necessary with international support, as was offered previously by the European Parliament but was refused.
Secondly, the migrants were cheated with a false promise of abundant arable land in the CHT, which they soon found was a myth. There was insufficient cultivable land in the 1960s to rehabilitate the evacuees of the Kaptai Dam in the 1960s, whereupon thousands (particularly Chakmas who were formerly lowland wet-rice cultivators) permanently migrated to India in1964. Where would the extra land have come from in the 1980s? Obviously, by displacing indigenous people from their homes and lands, including those that they rotationally and collectively use for jhum, forest, watersheds of rivers and streams, grasslands, grazing lands, etc. Therefore, it should be realised that those false promises cannot be kept by any government. The migrants are not to be equated with soldiers retreating from enemy-occupied territory. Even if they left the CHT will remain Bangladesh's, along with its indigenous and Bengali residents (those who came voluntarily to the CHT, and who have adapted to CHT ways over the years).
If the government-sponsored Bengali migrants, or a large percentage of them, agree to be rehabilitated ex-CHT, voluntarily, the "settler problem" would be more "manageable." Political compromises would then be easier for all concerned.
DS: Regarding the ecology, do you think the region needs more care and protection from encroachers? What has been the extent of damage to the natural forests and hills in the last 25 years?
RDR: Absolutely. But that can only happen if the indigenous peoples' community-driven and collectivist traditions of resource management and sustainable use are allowed to continue. The forest areas in the region have probably shrunk to one quarter of their size in the last quarter century. The water sources are drying up. Most CHT agricultural lands cannot produce more than one crop a year, unlike in the rest of the country. The biodiversity in the region is dwindling, except in the small community managed forests ("village common forests") under the jurisdiction of the mauza headmen, outside of the Forest Department-controlled reserved forests, which cover a quarter of the region's area. Very few perhaps know that the CHT is one of the mega-diversity regions of the world. Or perhaps was until recently.
DS: The government has taken up plans to promote tourism. Are there any local initiatives here to develop the region to attract more tourists? Do you have plans that might help the government enrich the tourism industry?
RDR: Tourism, in order for it to be respectful of ecology and the CHT peoples' culture, spirituality and social norms, must be people-owned, people-led and people-oriented. The only type of tourism that may be acceptable to the local people is one which is low capital-oriented, locally owned and managed, or at last co-owned and co-managed by local people, respectful of the local ecology, architectural traditions and with proper waste management. A form of tourism that brings in thousands of visitors that add pressure to local sewerage and water supply systems, pollute the air, water and soil with plastic bags, and sonically pollute the area (like loud city visitors do in Lowacharra Park in Sylhet, to the woe of the silent denizens of that forest) is the last thing that the CHT needs.
DS: Thank you for your time.
http://www.thedailystar.net/newDesign/news-details.php?nid=179503 http://jummacommunity.wordpress.com/2011/03/29/exclusive-interview-we-have-failed-to-own-the-accord/------------------------------------------
Human chain formed across the country demanding constitutional recognition as indigenous peoples
On 19 March 2011 indigenous peoples of Bangladesh organised human chain across the country demanding constitutional recognition as indigenous peoples.
Human chains were formed at least 16 places through the country including Rangamati, Khagrachari and Bandarban districts in Chittagong Hill Tracts (CHT) region; Joypurhat, Dinajpur, Naogaon, Sirajganj, Thakurgaon, Rajshahi and Bagura districts in North Bengal region; Barguna and Patualhali districts in coastal region; Sylhet, Moulabi Bazaar and Mymensingh districts and other parts of the country where indigenous people live.
The leaders of the country's indigenous communities called upon the government to seriously consider the issue of constitutional recognition as indigenous instead of small ethnic group; otherwise, the process of amendment of constitution will remain incomplete.
Bangladesh Adivasi Forum organised human chain in front of the National Museum in Dhaka where a number of organisations, including Kapaeeng Foundation, CHT Hill Students' Council (PCP), Bangladesh Adivasi Chhatra Sangram Parishad, Hill Women's Federation (HWF), Tripura Students Forum (TSF), Bangladesh Adivasi Odhikar Andolon and national level rights organisations took part in the human chain.
On the others, CHT Citizens’ Committee and Bangladesh Adivasi Forum (CHT Chapter) formed human chains in three hill districts of CHT where M N Larma Memorial Foundation, Jum Aesthetics Council, Bangladesh Mahila Parishad, Marma Oikya Parishad and local CBOs and development organisations took part.
Human chains in North Bengal region were formed basically by Jatiya Adivasi Parishad while Rakhain Samaj Kalyan Samity, Bangladesh Adivasi Forum (local chapter) and Bangladesh Rakhain Students Association in coastal region.
Human chain was formed in Sylhet in the banner of all walk of indigenous peoples while at in front of Moulvibazar Press Club by Greater Sylhet Adivasi Forum, Tea Garden’s Adivasi Forum, Monipuri Social Welfare Association, Khasi Council and Khasi Student Union.
Thousands of indigenous peoples, political leaders, journalists, lawyers, university teachers, human rights defenders, indigenous rights activists, women rights activists had joined the human chains and rallies, raising their voices for the constitutional recognition of indigenous people of Bangladesh.
Expressing dissatisfaction at the recent speech of Co-chairman of Special Parliamentary Committee for Constitution Amendment (SPCCA) Suranjit Sengupta, MP, indigenous leaders accused him of not being aware about the proper definition of indigenous in the country's context. They said, the rights of the indigenous communities should be recognised incorporating their rights in the Constitution as indigenous peoples but not as small ethnic group.
Speakers at the human chain said ‘Adivashi’ word does not only mean who comes first in the land rather it means the communities who posses distinct identity from the mainstream. The ethnic communities hold different culture, history, heritages, land related culture and a tendency to solve their social and legal problems by their customary laws rather than the statutory laws.
Speakers pointed out the existing laws including the State Acquisition and Tenancy Act 1950, The Chittagong Hill Tracts Regulation 1900, The Finance Act 1995 where the ‘Adivashi’ term had been used. The speakers also pointed out the election mandate of the present ruling party and the constitution of the Awami league where the ‘Adivashi’ term also has been used.
The indigenous leaders demanded rights of the indigenous people with separate traditional socio-cultural-ethnic identity for their survival in different regions Bangladesh and full implementation of CHT Accord 1997.
It is mentionable that on 15 March 2011 after a meeting of the parliamentary special committee for constitutional amendment, its co-chairman Suranjit Sengupta said that the committee agreed to recognise the ethnic minority groups (Khudro Jonogosthi) in the constitution, although no minority community will be recognised as indigenous (Adibashi) people.
He said as the demand for recognising them as indigenous people could not be applicable in the context of Bangladesh, so it was more logical to recognise them as Bangladeshi, not indigenous. ‘The definition of indigenous people given by the ILO has no consistency with the situation in Bangladesh,’ said Suranjit, adding that it could be applicable for some countries like Australia where indigenous people were ousted from state power by others.
The indigenous leaders also condemned the comment of opposition leader Begum Khaleda Zia in parliament on March 15 narrating indigenous leader Bangladesh Adibasi Forum president Sree Joytirindra Bodhipriya Larma (Santu Larma) as ‘terrorist’.
The indigenous leaders said that comment from a former prime minister and opposition leader was unexpected and unacceptable as communal and provocative and should be withdrawn.
----Kapaeeng Foundation
(An Human Rights Organization for Indigenous Peoples of Bangladesh)
Shalma Garden, House # 23/25, Road # 4, Block # B, PC Culture Housing, Mohammadpur, Dhaka-1207, Telephone: +880-2-8190801
E-mail: kapaeeng.foundation@gmail.com, kapaeeng.watch@gmail.com
----------------------------------
Say "indigenous, not ethnic people" in constitution
Indigenous people form human chains in front of Khagrachhari Press Club, and Central Shaheed Minar in Sylhet city yesterday demanding their constitutional recognition as indigenous people, not 'ethnic groups'. Similar programmes were held in several other places of the country.Photo: STAR
Indigenous people across the country yesterday rejected a parliamentary committee's decision to give them constitutional recognition as 'ethnic groups' and urged the government to consider them as 'indigenous people'.
They organised human chains and rallies to press home their demand and submitted memoranda to the district administration of Rangamati, Khagrachhari, Barisal, Thakurgaon, Natore, Sylhet and Moulvibazar.
After a meeting of the parliamentary special committee on constitutional amendment on March 15, its co-chair Suranjit Sengupta told media that the committee would recommend constitutional recognition of the ethnic groups.
The indigenous people across the country yesterday urged the government to recognise them as 'indigenous people', not 'ethnic groups' or 'ethnic minorities'.
Our Rangamati correspondent reported that the indigenous people formed a human chain in front of the deputy commissioner's office in the town yesterday and later held a rally at the venue. Addressing the rally, the adivasi leaders urged the government to meet their demand. Otherwise, they threatened to launch a tougher agitation programme.
Chaired by Goutam Dewan, president of CHT Nagorik Committee, the rally was addressed, among other, by Prakriti Ranjan Chakma, president of Bangladesh Adivasi Forum CHT unit, Nirupa Dewan, member of National Human Right Commission, Shakti Pada Tripura, organising secretary of the central committee of Bangladesh Adivasi Forum, Prof Moungshanu Chowdhury and Anjulika Khisa. CHT Nagorik Committee and Bangladesh Adivasi Forum CHT unit jointly
In Khagrachhari, Bangladesh Marma Unnayan Sangsad, Bangladesh Marma Students Forum, Bangladesh Tripura Kalyan Sangsad, Tripura Students Forum, Khagrachhari Zila Headman-Karbari Association and Bangladesh Adivasi Forum jointly organised a human chain in the district town to press for the same demand, according to a correspondent.
Our staff correspondent from Sylhet reports, Sylhet Bibhagiya Adivasi Janogosthi, a forum of indigenous people in the greater Sylhet, yesterday formed a human chain in front of the Sylhet Central Shaheed Minar, urging the government to recognise them as 'indigenous people' instead of 'ethnic groups. The forum also held a similar programme in Moulvibazar yesterday
Jatiya Adivasi Parishad Thakurgaon unit formed a human chain in the district town yesterday demanding their constitutional recognition as 'indigenous people' instead of 'ethnic groups', says our correspondent.
Rakhine community in Patuakhali and Borguna formed human chains, took out processions and held rallies at the district headquarters yesterday on the same demand, reports our Barisal correspondent.
-----------------------------------Sunday, March 20, 2011-----------------------------------------------------
HWF observes 23th founding anniversary
chtnews.com
News No. 48/2011, March 8, 2011
TODAY is the 101th International Women’s Day. The day is doubly significant to the women of the Chittagong Hill Tract because it was on this day in 1988 that the Hill Women’s Federation came into being. Therefore, today also marks HWF’s 23th founding anniversary.
To mark the day, the HWF organised rallies and discussions in Khagrachari, Panchari, Baghaichari and Kudukchari. (photo attached)
Khagrachari
A women’s rally was held at Swanirbhor in the morning today to highlight the significance of the International women’s Day.
Chaired by Chandani Chakma, vice president of HWF Khagrachari District unit, the rally was also addressed by Rina Dewan, organising secretary of the HWF central committee; Subir Chakma, organising secretary of DYF Khagrachari district unit; and Apruchi Marma, president of PCP Khagrachari District unit.
Besides, M. M. Parvez Lenin, member of Bangladesh Student’s Federation Chittagong University unit, spoke in solidarity while Eching Marma, a member of the HWF, presented the speakers to the audience.
The organisers tried to bring out a procession after the rally, but the police prevented them.
The speakers said sexual assaults on Jumma women are on the rise. In the last few months a number of women, including minor girls, have been raped.
They urged all to speed up the movement against repression of women and said, “Full autonomy is crucial for the achievement of women’s rights in the CHT.”
They also urged the government to take effective and stern measures to end all forms of violence against Jumma women in CHT.
Rina Dewan flayed the local civil administration for continuously denying UPDF and it front organisations the right to organise rallies and protest marches.
She urged the government to lift the de facto ban on rallies and public meetings imposed a year ago after the Sajek and Khagrachari settler attacks.
Panchari
In Panchari, the HWF held a rally at College Gate area with Sebika Chakma in the chair.
The rally was also addressed by Arpan Chakma (DYF), Barun Chakma (DYF), Hari Kamal Tripura (PCP), Anil Chakma (UP member), Indrani Tripura (villager, T & T) and Sneha Kumar Tripura (villager, Kalanal).
Baghaichari
The HWF held a rally and procession in Baghaichari. The procession kicked off from Babupara and paraded through Upazila ground and Marishya bazaar.
Later, a discussion meeting was held at Babupara Community Centre. Moderated by Sharmila Chakma, convener of HWF Baghaichari unit, it was addressed by Angod Chakma (DYF), Atol Chakma (PCP) Alo Jibon Chakma (PCP) and Kripa Rani Chakma (Sajek Nari Samaj).
Kudukchari
A discussion meeting was held at Kalabunia with HWF vice president Nirupa Chakma in the chair.
HWF general secretary Konika Dewan, ex PCP president Ricoh Chakma, PCP leader Bablu Chakma, organizer of Jatio Ganotantric Gano Manch Nushrat Jahan Choton, Ghilachari Women’s Committee member Koheli Chakma, Sapchari village elder Monimala Chakma and HWF Rangamati district unit president Juthika Chakma.
Sadhana Chakma presented the speakers to the audience.
-----------------------------------------------
UPDF leaders meet with Amnesty International team
chtnews.com
News No. 46/2011, March 5, 2011
LEADERS of the United People’s Democratic Front (UPDF) have met with a visiting team of the international human rights group Amnesty International.
The meeting took place at 5pm today in Khagrachari town.
The UPDF leaders highlighted the political repression on its members and supporters and sought AI intervention in preventing human rights violations in the CHT.
In a written statement handed to the AI delegates, UPDF says: “Political repression on UPDF and its front organisations has become a common feature of the CHT situation. Its rallies and processions are regularly attacked. The army has sealed off four unit offices of the UPDF, namely, Rajstali, Belaichari, Naniachar and Kudukchari.”
Amnesty International’s South Asia researcher Abbas Faiz said he would raise the issues, especially the ban on rallies and processions in Khagrachari, at his meeting with government officials.
The other members of the AI team include Andrew Erueti, Director of Ain O Salish Kendra Md. Noor Khan and Fahmina Rahman.
The UPDF was represented by Pradipan Khisha, Ujwal Smriti Chakma, Kalo Priya Chakma, Aongay Marma and Rina Dewan.
The full text of the statement follows:
Statement to the visiting members of the Amnesty International
United People’s Democratic Front (UPDF) Khagrachari District Unit
March 5, 2011
1. Human rights violation in the Chittagong Hill Tracts continues. The army, paramilitary personnel and illegal Bengali settlers are involved in right violations. The attack on two Jumma villages in Longudu on 17 February is a case in point. At least 22 houses belonging to the Jumma people and a Para Kendra (village centre) were set afire in this attack. Four Jummas were also beaten up.
2. Army in Laxmichari continues to patronize a vigilante group popularly known as Borkha Party. This group was created in 2009 by then Laxmichari Zone Commander Lt. Col. Shariful Islam. Members of this group are responsible for the death of UPDF leader Rui Khoi Marma on 2 October 2009. The main purpose of the creation of the Borkha Party is to counter the growing influence of the UPDF.
On 25 February, the army and Borkha Party attacked a reception hosted by PCP and HWF for those students who came out successful in JSC (Junior School Certificate) and primary school examinations. At least 15 persons including women were injured. The programme was foiled.
The Borkha Party members stay in Khiram army camp under Laxmichari Zone. They are also allowed to use a club house named Anirban belonging to the army at Khiram bazaar.
The army and Borkha Party members regularly carry out joint operations in the Jumma villages and harass the villagers.
3. Political repression on UPDF and its front organisations has become a common feature of the CHT situation. Its rallies and processions are regularly attacked. The army has sealed off four unit offices of the UPDF, namely, Rajstali, Belaichari, Naniachar and Kudukchari.
The Khagrachari administration imposed ban on rallies and public meetings in Khagrachari district following the 23 February 2010 attack on Jumma inhabited areas in Khagrachari town. The decision on the ban was taken at a review meeting on law and order in which no UPDF members were invited. This ban still continues. The ban is applicable for those parties and organisations which are not registered with the Election Commission. This is a clear case of discrimination. UPDF wrote to the district administration to inform it in writing whether the media reports on the ban were true. But the authorities did not bother to reply to our letter.
4. Arrest of the members of the UPDF and its front organisations has not stopped. Mikel Chakma, spokesperson of the UPDF and member secretary of the Democratic Youth Forum, was arrested by Rapid Action Battalion (RAB) from Chittagong on February 8, 2011. They put two pipe guns and Yaba drugs into his bag while he was in toilet and asked RAB members to arrest him.
5. Repression on Jumma women has become a festering problem in the CHT. There is no security for them. Nowhere are they safe. They cannot go fetch water from streams, graze their cows in the field, go in the jungle to collect firewood, visit temples and relatives; they cannot even stay home alone. Wherever they are, they are targeted for sexual assaults, especially rape, by the army and settlers. No one is spared – from 4-year old girls to 80-year old women, all are raped. Even the physically challenged girls and women are not spared.
Until and unless the army and settlers are withdrawn, human rights violations including rape and repression of Jumma women will not cease.
6. Land grabbing has also become a regular phenomenon. An attempt by illegal muslim Bengali settlers to occupy land in Mahalchari on 5 December 2010 prompted the Jumma villagers to block Khagrachari – Rangamati link road the next day. The settlers, who were backed by the army, had to retreat in the face of protests. Similar incident also took place in Naniachar and Longudu Upazilas in Rangamati district.
7. We appeal to the Amnesty International to urge the government to take the following measures:
a. To immediately stop human rights violations in the CHT including repression of Jumma women.
b. To stop political persecution of the UPDF and its front organisations and to withdraw the ban on rallies and demonstrations in Khagrachari district.
c. To order an independent and impartial inquiry headed by a High Court judge into the 17 February Longudu attack and bring the perpetrators to justice and pay adequate compensation to the victims.
d. To stop land grabbing and return the grabbed lands to their rightful owners and to provide constitutional recognition to the customary land laws of the Jumma people.
e. To agree to receive financial assistance from European Union to rehabilitate the illegal Bengali settlers outside of the CHT.
f. To withdraw the army from the CHT.
Pradipan Khisha
Chief Organizer
UPDF Khagrachari District Unit
------------------------------------------------------
NewAgebd
Staff Correspondent
Friday, March 4, 2011
The Appellate Division of the Supreme Court on Thursday granted permission to the government to appeal against the High Court verdict that had declared illegal the Chittagong Hill Tracts Regional Council Act 1998 and the regional council formed under the act and three hill district council acts in part.
The full court of all the seven Appellate Division judges, headed by the chief justice, ABM Khairul Haque, also ordered continuation of the stay order, granted earlier on the High Court verdict, till the disposal of the appeal.
The court passed the order after hearing a petition filed by the government and the Chittagong Hill Tracts Regional Council seeking permission to appeal against the verdict.
Earlier on April 15, 2010, the then chamber judge of the Appellate Division, Justice Md Muzammel Hossain, stayed the verdict and asked the government to file a regular petition seeking permission to appeal against the verdict.
The regional council continued to function obtaining the stay order.
The High Court bench of Justice Syed Refaat Ahmed and Justice Moyeenul Islam Chowhury on April 13, 2010 delivered the verdict declaring illegal the Chittagong Hill Tracts Regional Council Act 1998.
The High Court had also declared illegal Section 4(6), 17, 32(2), and 62(1) of the Rangamati Hill District Council Act 1989, Khagrachari Hill District Council Act 1989 and the Bandarbun Hill District Council Act 1989, as amended in 1998 after the signing of the Chittagong Hill Tracts Treaty signed in 1997, saying that the amended provisions had violated the ‘sanctity of a unitary state.’
Moving the government petition, the attorney general, Mahbubey Alam, argued that the verdict needed further judicial scrutiny by the highest court.
As the issue is related to interpretation of the constitution, the High Court should have stayed the operation of the verdict and issued a certificate allowing the government to directly appeal against the verdict without requiring permission for the appeal, said CHT regional council’s lawyer Kamal Hossain.
The writ petitioners’ counsel Abdur Razzaq argued that the accord had not been declared unconstitutional and only parts of the district council acts were declared illegal.
In the verdict on two writ petitions challenging the CHT treaty signed on December 2, 1997, the High Court, however, did not declare the treaty illegal, saying as the agreement was political in nature, ‘an accord between belligerents,’ it could not be judicially reviewed by the court.
In the verdict, the court had observed that the Chittagong Hill Tracts Regional Council Act 1998 was illegal as it had violated the ‘sanctity of a unitary state.’
The court came up with the judgement after hearing two writ petitions filed in 2000 by Badiuzzaman, a Bengali settler in the Chittagong Hill Tracts, and by Tajul Islam, a pro-Jamaat lawyer, in 2007 challenging the legality of the Chittagong Hill Tracts Treaty.
----------------------------------------------Two Jummo (Jummas) tortured by muslim army in Nanyachor (Naniachar)
chtnews.com
News No. 42/2011, February 28, 2011
TWO Jummo (Jumma) villagers have been tortured in Naniachar under Gongkabor (Rangamati district).
Sources said a group of 25 – 30 army personnel from Naniachar zone conducted a raid in Tripurachari village on 27 February.
They surrounded the village the whole night, and while they were on their way to another village – Sonaram Karbari Para – at 9am today they came across two villagers, Shanti Chakma, 32, son of Raj Mohan Chakma and his brother Bimal Kanti Chakma, 25.
They are from Sonaram Karbai Para village, woodcutters by profession and were on their way to work.
The soldiers caught the two brothers and then separated them for interrogation.
Shanti Chakma was taken to one side and was asked to show the army his gun and to tell how many of them were with his group.
When Shanti said he was innocent, the army began to beat him with sticks.
At this point, he somehow managed to run away.
The soldiers then vent their anger on his brother, Bimal Kanti Chakma. They tied his hands behind his back and beat him mercilessly.
He was released later but was ordered to present himself at Joropya Para army camp tomorrow taking Shanti Chakma with him.
The army threatened to re-arrest him if he failed to do so.
Bimal Kanti Chakma bore torture marks on his body, sources said, and added that the soldiers had stayed in the village till 6pm today.
Sources said a group of 25 – 30 army personnel from Naniachar zone conducted a raid in Tripurachari village on 27 February.
They surrounded the village the whole night, and while they were on their way to another village – Sonaram Karbari Para – at 9am today they came across two villagers, Shanti Chakma, 32, son of Raj Mohan Chakma and his brother Bimal Kanti Chakma, 25.
They are from Sonaram Karbai Para village, woodcutters by profession and were on their way to work.
The soldiers caught the two brothers and then separated them for interrogation.
Shanti Chakma was taken to one side and was asked to show the army his gun and to tell how many of them were with his group.
When Shanti said he was innocent, the army began to beat him with sticks.
At this point, he somehow managed to run away.
The soldiers then vent their anger on his brother, Bimal Kanti Chakma. They tied his hands behind his back and beat him mercilessly.
He was released later but was ordered to present himself at Joropya Para army camp tomorrow taking Shanti Chakma with him.
The army threatened to re-arrest him if he failed to do so.
Bimal Kanti Chakma bore torture marks on his body, sources said, and added that the soldiers had stayed in the village till 6pm today.
----------------------------------------------
PCP holds reception for its released leaders
chtnews.com
News No. 38/2011, February 24, 2011
THE Naniachar unit of the Hill Students Council (PCP) held a reception for its three leaders released from jail.
The released PCP leaders are Anil Chakma, general secretary of PCP Naniachar College unit; Shuddha Dhan Chakma, cultural secretary of the same unit; and Noren Chakma, a member of Naniachari Thana unit.
They were arrested by army from Naniachar bazaar on February 20 while picketing for boycott of classes to press their demand for primary education in ethnic nationalities’ own languages.
The army handed them over to the police who sent them to Rangamati jail after showing them arrested under section 54 of the Criminal Procedure Code.
However, the Rangamati District Judge’s court on February 22 granted them bail and ordered their release.
Advocate Ushamoy Chakma moved the court on behalf of the PCP leaders.
The reception was held at T & T area today at 4pm with Ripon Chakma, general secretary of PCP Naniachar Thana unit, in the chair.
Bilash Chakma, president of PCP Rangamati District unit, and Bablu Chakma, organizing secretary of the same unit, also spoke on the occasion.
Besides, Anil Chakma and Shuddha Dhan Chakma addressed the gathering on behalf of the released PCP leaders.
They thanked the organizers for welcoming them and vowed to fight for the rights of the Jumma people.
The PCP leaders demanded of the government to end military rule in the CHT and withdraw all the false cases filed against PCP members.
---------------------------------------------The released PCP leaders are Anil Chakma, general secretary of PCP Naniachar College unit; Shuddha Dhan Chakma, cultural secretary of the same unit; and Noren Chakma, a member of Naniachari Thana unit.
They were arrested by army from Naniachar bazaar on February 20 while picketing for boycott of classes to press their demand for primary education in ethnic nationalities’ own languages.
The army handed them over to the police who sent them to Rangamati jail after showing them arrested under section 54 of the Criminal Procedure Code.
However, the Rangamati District Judge’s court on February 22 granted them bail and ordered their release.
Advocate Ushamoy Chakma moved the court on behalf of the PCP leaders.
The reception was held at T & T area today at 4pm with Ripon Chakma, general secretary of PCP Naniachar Thana unit, in the chair.
Bilash Chakma, president of PCP Rangamati District unit, and Bablu Chakma, organizing secretary of the same unit, also spoke on the occasion.
Besides, Anil Chakma and Shuddha Dhan Chakma addressed the gathering on behalf of the released PCP leaders.
They thanked the organizers for welcoming them and vowed to fight for the rights of the Jumma people.
The PCP leaders demanded of the government to end military rule in the CHT and withdraw all the false cases filed against PCP members.
New Age
Thursday, February 24, 2011
Staff Correspondent
---------------------------------------------Thursday, February 24, 2011
Staff Correspondent
The International Commission for Chittagong Hill Tracts in a letter to prime minister Sheikh Hasina on Wednesday called for formation of a high-level impartial body to investigate into the recent arson attacks in Langadu of Rangamati and those made in Baghaihat of Rangamati district and in Khagrachhari town in February 2010.
The commission also called for identifying the people, whether government employees or others, responsible for carrying out the attacks by ‘commission, omission, abetment or conspiracy’.
It also urged the government to ensure punishment of the people found guilty of the acts, omissions, abetment or conspiracy and to take measures for protecting the vulnerable and preventing such occurrences in the future.
The letter signed by commission co-chairs Eric Avebury, Sultana Kamal, and Ida Nicolaisen also mentioned that the commission was ‘immensely troubled by the fact that members of the government security forces, who are doing such gallant work as part of the global UN peacekeeping forces, are implicated as colluders with the Bangali settlers in carrying out such attacks against the indigenous people of the country, time and again’.
‘We urge the government to issue instructions to military, paramilitary, police and para-police personnel posted in the CHT to protect all communities, without discrimination, and to provide special protection to communities that have a recent history of such attacks or vulnerability,’ the letter read.
The letter was sent in the wake of the February 17 violence in Langadu in which ‘about 300 Bangali settlers attacked and burnt down Jumma peoples’ homes in Rangipara village in Langadu upazila of Rangamati. The Bangali settlers allegedly are said to have instigated this attack after they found the dead body of a Bangali settler in a nearby village. During this time, we were informed that although members of the Border Guard Bangladesh were present, they did nothing to stop the attacks and prevent the Jumma peoples’ houses from being burnt down.’
‘A day after this incident, there were allegations that members of the army were raiding homes of the Jummas and beating up villagers in Kudukchari of Rangamati, following protests made by the Jummas against the attacks in Langadu. We have also received reports that people in Baghaihat, Rangamati have been prevented from commemorating the anniversary of the arson attacks in Baghaihat in February 2010 through memorial and mourning ceremonies and programmes,’ the letter said.
Lighting thousand candles: Sajek-Khagrachari attack victims remembered
chtnews.com
News No. 37/2011, February 23, 2011
THOUSANDS of candles have been lighted in a number of Buddhist temples throughout the CHT in memory of those killed in deadly communal attacks in Sajek last year.
Hundreds of men and women participated in the ‘Lighting Thousand Candles’ program today called by Sajek Nari Samaj (Sajek Women’s Association).
Today also marks one year since the attack on Jumma residential areas in Khagrachari.
The Khagrachari attack was carried out two days after the Sajek attack, which left at least four Jumma people dead.
The muslim settlers had burnt down 39 houses and business establishments in their brutal attack in Khagrachari.
In Khagrachari, the ‘lighting thousand candle’ was held at Yoongdaw Buddhist temple, Shibli Buddhist temple, Upali Buddhist temple, Dashbal Buddhist temple and Dharmapur Bana Vihar.
Similar programmes were also held in different temples in Panchari, Mahalchari, Dighinala, Guimara, Laxmichari and Ramgarh.
In Rangamati, the program was held in a number of Buddhist temples including Ratnagkur Buddist temple, Shankholapara Binoy Ratna Buddhist temple, Borpulpra Shakyomoni Buddhits temple, South Morachengi Moitree Buddhist temple, Gorjontoli Shakyamuni Buddhist temple, Jagonatoli Chittananda Buddhist temple, Banduk Bhanga Bharbochug Bana Vihar and Likyangchara Buddhist temple.
----------------------------------------------News No. 37/2011, February 23, 2011
THOUSANDS of candles have been lighted in a number of Buddhist temples throughout the CHT in memory of those killed in deadly communal attacks in Sajek last year.
Hundreds of men and women participated in the ‘Lighting Thousand Candles’ program today called by Sajek Nari Samaj (Sajek Women’s Association).
Today also marks one year since the attack on Jumma residential areas in Khagrachari.
The Khagrachari attack was carried out two days after the Sajek attack, which left at least four Jumma people dead.
The muslim settlers had burnt down 39 houses and business establishments in their brutal attack in Khagrachari.
In Khagrachari, the ‘lighting thousand candle’ was held at Yoongdaw Buddhist temple, Shibli Buddhist temple, Upali Buddhist temple, Dashbal Buddhist temple and Dharmapur Bana Vihar.
Similar programmes were also held in different temples in Panchari, Mahalchari, Dighinala, Guimara, Laxmichari and Ramgarh.
In Rangamati, the program was held in a number of Buddhist temples including Ratnagkur Buddist temple, Shankholapara Binoy Ratna Buddhist temple, Borpulpra Shakyomoni Buddhits temple, South Morachengi Moitree Buddhist temple, Gorjontoli Shakyamuni Buddhist temple, Jagonatoli Chittananda Buddhist temple, Banduk Bhanga Bharbochug Bana Vihar and Likyangchara Buddhist temple.
Six Jummo (Jummas) tortured in Nanyachor (Naniachar)
chtnews.com
News No. 36/2011, February 23, 2011
AT least six Jummo (Jummas) have been tortured in Nanyachor (Naniachar) as hundreds of villagers blocked Khagrachari – Rangamati road at Choudda Mile, protesting a bid to grab land by muslim settlers.
Of the tortured, five are school boys – from Betchari General Somani High School. They were beaten by a group of muslim soldiers from Naniachar zone at 10am.
Their names are Suken Chakma son of Indra Bilash Chakma (class nine); Dipon Chakma son of Sumi Ranjan Chakma (class nine); Refine Chakma son of Tarani Ranjan Chakma (class eight); Intu Chakma son of Ananda Bilash Chakma (class seven); and Rifel Chakma son of Sumati Ranjan Chakma (class eight).
While Suken Chakma is from Hajachari village, the rest four are from Dojor Para.
The army tortured them at Betchari bazaar without reason.
In another incident, the muslim settlers beat Pintu Lal Chakma, 32, son of Pottey Moni Chakma at Betchari.
The incident took place at 12 noon when Pintu was on his way to Maischari to visit his father-in-law.
He was traveling on foot as no vehicles were plying on Rangamati – Khagrachari road owing to the road blockade programme.
The muslim settlers also took away a mobile hand set, money and clothes from him.
Organiser of UPDF Rangamati district unit, Alakesh Chakma and Democratic Youth Forum convener Mithun Chakma condemned the beating of the innocent Jummo (Jummas) and demanded that the government stops land grabbing in Chouddha Mile and elsewhere in the CHT and returns those already taken away.
They said the ultra communal elements in the muslim army and mulsim settlers are plotting to push the CHT towards instability and conflict.
They urged all the peace loving citizens to remain on guard against it.
--------------------------------------------Of the tortured, five are school boys – from Betchari General Somani High School. They were beaten by a group of muslim soldiers from Naniachar zone at 10am.
Their names are Suken Chakma son of Indra Bilash Chakma (class nine); Dipon Chakma son of Sumi Ranjan Chakma (class nine); Refine Chakma son of Tarani Ranjan Chakma (class eight); Intu Chakma son of Ananda Bilash Chakma (class seven); and Rifel Chakma son of Sumati Ranjan Chakma (class eight).
While Suken Chakma is from Hajachari village, the rest four are from Dojor Para.
The army tortured them at Betchari bazaar without reason.
In another incident, the muslim settlers beat Pintu Lal Chakma, 32, son of Pottey Moni Chakma at Betchari.
The incident took place at 12 noon when Pintu was on his way to Maischari to visit his father-in-law.
He was traveling on foot as no vehicles were plying on Rangamati – Khagrachari road owing to the road blockade programme.
The muslim settlers also took away a mobile hand set, money and clothes from him.
Organiser of UPDF Rangamati district unit, Alakesh Chakma and Democratic Youth Forum convener Mithun Chakma condemned the beating of the innocent Jummo (Jummas) and demanded that the government stops land grabbing in Chouddha Mile and elsewhere in the CHT and returns those already taken away.
They said the ultra communal elements in the muslim army and mulsim settlers are plotting to push the CHT towards instability and conflict.
They urged all the peace loving citizens to remain on guard against it.
Road blockade in Rangamadtya (Rangamati) protesting land grab attempt, two arrested
chtnews.com
News No. 35/2011, February 23, 2011
JUMMA villagers in Choiddo Mile have blocked Rangamati – Khagrachari road protesting attempts by muslim settlers to grab lands belonging to a Buddhist temple.
The impromptu road blockade programme began early in the morning today with hundreds of Jumma men and women blocking traffic.
They demand that the government must stop the settlers from trying to capture land belonging to Choiddo Mile Buddhist Temple.
The muslim settlers yesterday piled house building materials on the said land, implying that they want to occupy the land by force.
This move of the muslim settlers was in breach of a deal in which both the Jummas and settlers had agreed to settle the issue under Naniachar UNO’s mediation.
A meeting is scheduled to be held today at the UNO’s office as part of the deal.
However, the Jummas said participation in the meeting is useless since the settlers have already violated the agreement.
Arrest
Meanwhile, another report says in a bid to break the blockade the army has arrested two Jummas while they were demonstrating on the road.
The arrested are Satyo Chakma, 25, and Sneha Kumar Chakma, 45, son of Pass Ranjan Chakma.
---------------------------------------------chtnews.com
News No. 35/2011, February 23, 2011
JUMMA villagers in Choiddo Mile have blocked Rangamati – Khagrachari road protesting attempts by muslim settlers to grab lands belonging to a Buddhist temple.
The impromptu road blockade programme began early in the morning today with hundreds of Jumma men and women blocking traffic.
They demand that the government must stop the settlers from trying to capture land belonging to Choiddo Mile Buddhist Temple.
The muslim settlers yesterday piled house building materials on the said land, implying that they want to occupy the land by force.
This move of the muslim settlers was in breach of a deal in which both the Jummas and settlers had agreed to settle the issue under Naniachar UNO’s mediation.
A meeting is scheduled to be held today at the UNO’s office as part of the deal.
However, the Jummas said participation in the meeting is useless since the settlers have already violated the agreement.
Arrest
Meanwhile, another report says in a bid to break the blockade the army has arrested two Jummas while they were demonstrating on the road.
The arrested are Satyo Chakma, 25, and Sneha Kumar Chakma, 45, son of Pass Ranjan Chakma.
Massive communal attack on Jumma villages by Muslims, Bengali settlers, with the support of security forces in Longodu (Longadu)
By PCJSS, Rangamadtya (Rangamati)
23 houses burnt to ashes, 2 injured
It is learnt that on 15 February 2011 in the morning two Bengali settlers, muslims, named Md. Saber Ali (33) s/o Nehat Ali and Md. Sahid (35) s/o Julya Pagala from settler’s village- Rahamatpur of Gulshakhali union went to nearby jungle of Gulshakhali area to collect flower-broom (a kind of natural broom). Of them, Md. Sahid returned to home, however, Md. Saber Ali went missing. On 16 February 2011 around 10.00 am police and BGB recovered dead body of Saber Ali from Rangi Para area and brought it to police station of Longodu (Longadu) headquarter at 3:00 pm.
It is learnt that Saber Ali was suffering from epilepsy. So, locals including the administration guessed that Saber Ali might die due his illness. Witnesses also confirmed that no injury was found on dead body. However, in the evening time around 5.30 pm, Bengali settlers, muslim, spread communal tension alleging Jummo (Jumma) villagers responsible for the death of Saber Ali and brought out processions separately at Gulshakhali bazar and Choumuhani bazar. Muslim bengali settlers also brought out another procession at Longadu headquarter area at night about 12.00 pm.
On 17 February 2011 the Bengali settlers, muslims, again began to spread communal agitation in the areas since morning. At a stage, at 11:00 am the Bengali settlers, muslim, led by Khalilur Rahaman Khan, president of Bangalee Student Council and one Abdur Rahim (journalist) brought out a procession at Longodu (Longadu) headquarter. Police and local administration did nothing to stop spreading communal tension. No sooner ending of procession, at about 1.00 pm, two Jumma passengers (students) who came from Rangamadtya (Rangamati) by a launch were attacked by muslim bengali settlers at Tintilyaghat of Longadu headquarter. They (Jumma students) were severely injured. They were identified as:
(1) Mr. Apolo Chakma (20) s/o Mono Ranjan Chakma of Sijakmukh area of Bagheicuri (Baghaichari) upazila
(2) Mr. Mangal Moy Chakma (15) s/o Daya Mohan Chakma of Simana Para of Borkol (Barkal) upazila
Later, the injured students were admitted to Rangamadtya (Rangamati) general hospital.
Afterwards, at about 5:00 pm the Bengali settlers, muslims, again began to gather and at a stage with a group numbering 200-250 made attack on Jummo (Jumma) villages and set fire to the Jummo (Jumma) houses one after another. In the attack, at least 23 Jumma houses including one BRAC school were burnt to ashes. The muslim BGB did nothing to stop the muslim bengali settlers from setting fire on Jummo (Jumma) houses.
Muslim Bengali settlers first set fire on the houses of Sukra Chakma and Amiya Kanti Chakma of Rangi Para. Then Jumma villagers gathered themselves and tried to defend the remaining houses and facing off the settlers. Jumma leaders also informed the local administration including police. However, no action was taken by the administration to stop Bengali settlers from attack.
On the other, a group of BGB of Rangipara Tematha camp led by Habildar Jahangir under Rajnagar BGB zone rushed there at that time and Bengali settlers increased their attack soon after arrival of BGB personnel.
Bengali settlers then proceeded to Gulshakhali village and set fire on Jumma houses indiscriminately. Jumma villagers alleged that BGB personnel supported the Bengali settlers while setting fire to the Jumma houses. Till 7.00 pm on 17 February Bengali settlers burnt down at least 23 houses of Jumma villagers in two villages (Please find the attachment for detailed list of houses burnt to ashes)
Besides, a BRAC school was burnt to ashes and 45 pieces of CIT sheets that was stored by UNICEP for building a school were looted.
The culprits and miscreants who led and made the Bengali settlers to attack and setting fire on Jumma villages were identified as follows:
(1) Wajed Ali, Chairman of Bagachatar union;
(2) Rahim, Chairman of Gulshakhali union;
(3) Amir Hossain Molla (55) s/o unknown of village- Boiragi bazar of Bagachatar union;
(4) Samsu Sardar (55) s/o unknown of Thegapara of Bagachatar union;
(5) Mannan Sardar (50) s/o unknown of Rangipara of Bagachatar union;
(6) Salauddin (30) s/o unknown of Rangipara of Bagachatar union.
It is mentionable that the Bengali settlers who were brought from plain lands and settled down at Gulshakhali, Bogachadar and Kalapagujya areas under Longadu upazila in 1980s have been trying to grab the lands of Jumma people. As a part of this attempt, on 21 December 2010 the Bengali settlers made attack on Jumma village of Shanti Nagar and inhumanly beat 14 Jumma villagers and ransacked 5 houses motivatedly alleging Jumma villagers to beat a Bengali settler who went to jungle to collect firewood.
It is suspected that Saber Ali might be killed by Bengali settlers to create lame excuse for making attack on Jumma peoples. Bengali settlers fabricatedly spread that there were several injuries on dead body. However, a doctor, who made dead body post-mortem and wished not to be named, said that no injury was found.
by
PCJSS
(Parbatya Chattagram Jana Samhati Samiti)
Kalyanpur, Rangamati-4500, Chittagong Hill Tracts, Bangladesh
Tel+Fax: +880-351-61248
E-mail: pcjss.org@gmail.com, pcjss@hotmail.com
Website: pcjss-cht.org
(Parbatya Chattagram Jana Samhati Samiti)
Kalyanpur, Rangamati-4500, Chittagong Hill Tracts, Bangladesh
Tel+Fax: +880-351-61248
E-mail: pcjss.org@gmail.com, pcjss@hotmail.com
Website: pcjss-cht.org
-----------------------------------
Three Jummo (Jumma) students arrested in Suvolong (Subholong)chtnews.com
News No. 29/2011, February 20, 2011
THREE Jummo (Jumma) students have been arrested in Suvolong (Subholong) in Rangamadtya (Rangamati) district, sources say.
A group of army personnel led by Lt. Mashud Rana, muslim from Suvolong (Subholong) camp raided the village of Shilar Dak in Ward No. 1 at noon and picked them up from a wedding ceremony.
The arrestees are Sumon Chakma, 14, son of Bimal Chakma, an eighth grade student of Noadam Junior High School in Bandukbhanga; Ujwal Chakma, 14, son of Sadhan Chakma, also a class eight student of Barunachari High School in Subholong; and Shubho Chakma, 17, son of Mahabahu Chakma, a class ten student of Kattoli High School, Longudu.
They were helping the organisers of the wedding ceremony when they army arrested them.
They have been taken to Suvolong (Subholong) camp after the arrest.
On their way back to the camp the soldiers came across four Jummo (Jumma) woodcutters and took away their Dhamas (cutting implements) from them.
They were cutting “permit trees” when the incident took place.
The names of those whose dhamas have been taken away are Subhash Chakma, Kalaya Chakma, Guri Mohan Chakma and Lambaya Chakma.
A group of army personnel led by Lt. Mashud Rana, muslim from Suvolong (Subholong) camp raided the village of Shilar Dak in Ward No. 1 at noon and picked them up from a wedding ceremony.
The arrestees are Sumon Chakma, 14, son of Bimal Chakma, an eighth grade student of Noadam Junior High School in Bandukbhanga; Ujwal Chakma, 14, son of Sadhan Chakma, also a class eight student of Barunachari High School in Subholong; and Shubho Chakma, 17, son of Mahabahu Chakma, a class ten student of Kattoli High School, Longudu.
They were helping the organisers of the wedding ceremony when they army arrested them.
They have been taken to Suvolong (Subholong) camp after the arrest.
On their way back to the camp the soldiers came across four Jummo (Jumma) woodcutters and took away their Dhamas (cutting implements) from them.
They were cutting “permit trees” when the incident took place.
The names of those whose dhamas have been taken away are Subhash Chakma, Kalaya Chakma, Guri Mohan Chakma and Lambaya Chakma.
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Four PCP leaders arrested in Nanyachor (Naniachar)chtnews.com
News No. 27/2011, February 20, 2011
THE army has arrested four leaders of the Hill Students Council (PCP) in Nanyachor (Naniachar )as boycott of classes in schools and colleges is being enforced in Jumland (the Chittagong Hill Tracts).
The PCP has called the boycott to press its demand for the right to primary education in the national minorities’ own languages.
The PCP leaders were arrested from Nanyachor (Naniachar) Bazaar at 10am, said Bilash Chakma, president of PCP Gongkabor (Rangamati District) unit.
They were on their way to Nanyachor (Naniachar) College to picket when a group of army personnel from Nanyachor (Naniachar) zone picked them up.
The arrested PCP leaders are Anil Chakma, general secretary of PCP Nanyachor (Naniachar) college unit, Shuddha Dhan Chakma, secretary for culture and literature, Miton Chakma, finance secretary, and Noren Chakma, member of PCP Naniachari Upazila unit.
PCP president Aongay Marma condemned the arrest and demanded their immediate and unconditional release.
---------------------------------------The PCP has called the boycott to press its demand for the right to primary education in the national minorities’ own languages.
The PCP leaders were arrested from Nanyachor (Naniachar) Bazaar at 10am, said Bilash Chakma, president of PCP Gongkabor (Rangamati District) unit.
They were on their way to Nanyachor (Naniachar) College to picket when a group of army personnel from Nanyachor (Naniachar) zone picked them up.
The arrested PCP leaders are Anil Chakma, general secretary of PCP Nanyachor (Naniachar) college unit, Shuddha Dhan Chakma, secretary for culture and literature, Miton Chakma, finance secretary, and Noren Chakma, member of PCP Naniachari Upazila unit.
PCP president Aongay Marma condemned the arrest and demanded their immediate and unconditional release.
UPDF marks one year since Sajeg (Sajek) attacks
chtnews.com
News No. 26/2011, February 19, 2011
THE United Peoples Democratic Front (UPDF) has marked one year since the gruesome attack on Jummo (Jumma) villages in Sajeg (Sajek) that left at least four Jummo (Jummas) dead and nearly five hundred houses burnt.
The UPDF today staged a candle light vigil in Hagracuri (Khagrachari) in commemoration of the victims. (photo attached)
Sajeg (Sajek) Nari Samaj was also scheduled to hold a discussion in Sajeg (Sajek) to mark the day, but the army prevented them.
About 200 people attended the candle light vigil, which was held in front of UPDF office at Swanirbhor at 6:30pm.
UPDF leaders Ujwal Smriti Chakma and Kalo Priyo Chakma made brief speeches at the gathering.
They expressed their anger at the failure of the government to punish those responsible for the violent attack that evoked national and international condemnation.
“It’s been one year since the attack took place, and yet the culprits have not been made to face justice.” Ujwal said.
“This is such failures on the part of the government, such blanket impunity given to the attackers, which encourages further attacks on Jummo (Jumma) people.” he said referring to the recent attack in Longudu.
The Sajeg (Sajek) attacks carried out jointly by army and Bengali settlers, muslim on 19 and 20 February last year had left four Jummas dead and nearly five hundred houses burnt.
The government even failed to form an inquiry committee to probe the incident, let alone bring the culprits to book.
One year on, the Jummas in Sajeg (Sajek) still live in atmosphere of fear and insecurity, while the army continues to intimidate them.
The Sajeg (Sajek) attack was followed by similar attacks in Hagracuri (Khagrachari) town on 23 February.
Several Jummo (Jumma) houses were burnt down in the organised attack.
The UPDF today staged a candle light vigil in Hagracuri (Khagrachari) in commemoration of the victims. (photo attached)
Sajeg (Sajek) Nari Samaj was also scheduled to hold a discussion in Sajeg (Sajek) to mark the day, but the army prevented them.
About 200 people attended the candle light vigil, which was held in front of UPDF office at Swanirbhor at 6:30pm.
UPDF leaders Ujwal Smriti Chakma and Kalo Priyo Chakma made brief speeches at the gathering.
They expressed their anger at the failure of the government to punish those responsible for the violent attack that evoked national and international condemnation.
“It’s been one year since the attack took place, and yet the culprits have not been made to face justice.” Ujwal said.
“This is such failures on the part of the government, such blanket impunity given to the attackers, which encourages further attacks on Jummo (Jumma) people.” he said referring to the recent attack in Longudu.
The Sajeg (Sajek) attacks carried out jointly by army and Bengali settlers, muslim on 19 and 20 February last year had left four Jummas dead and nearly five hundred houses burnt.
The government even failed to form an inquiry committee to probe the incident, let alone bring the culprits to book.
One year on, the Jummas in Sajeg (Sajek) still live in atmosphere of fear and insecurity, while the army continues to intimidate them.
The Sajeg (Sajek) attack was followed by similar attacks in Hagracuri (Khagrachari) town on 23 February.
Several Jummo (Jumma) houses were burnt down in the organised attack.
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Army tortures more Jummo (Jummas) in Kudugcuri (Kudukchari)
chtnews.com
News No. 25/2011, February 18, 2011
DOZENS more Jummo (Jummas) have been tortured by army in Kudugcuri (Kudukchari), Rangamadtya (Rangamati), sources say.
A group of army personnel from Kudugcuri (Kudukchari) camp raided Khamar Para village in Sapchari at 9:30am today and beat up ten Jumma villagers.
The torture victims are Mongol Das Chakma, 20, son of Koilash Das Chakma, Rupayan Chakma, 25, son of Dharma Chandra Chakma, Tongo Moni Chakma, 45, son of Batya Chakma, Sonaiey Chakma, 17, son of Oro Moni Chakma, Mintu Chakma, 18, son of Kala Ram Chakma, Priti Moy Chakma, 30, son of Binoy Bhushan Chakma, Biton Chakma, 18, son of Moni Chakma, Mongol Raj Chakma, 22, son of Tuttro Chakma, Kishto Raja Chakma, 30, son of Tuttro Chakma and Jamini Chakma, 40.
In a similar raid in the village of Kudugcuri (Kudukchari) Uparpara the army beat up whoever they came across.
Two of their torture victims have been identified as Bhagyo Dhan Chakma, 27, son of Purno Kumar Chakma and Bhadra Sen Chakma alias Phoriya, 22, son of Chondo Chakma.
Panicked, the villagers fled in every direction.
The soldiers then entered the house of Kandor Singh Chakma, the village chief, and took away seven pairs of Burgi (homemade sheets of clothes) from him.
They also broke into the house of Rabi Chandra Chakma in the village and took away four energy saving bulbs.
In an overnight raid last night in the village of Kudukchari Moddyo Para the army tortured five Jumma people.
They are Ranga Chan Chakma son of Chandu Chakma (He is from Naraichari, Dighinala and came to the village to visit his relatives), Sajib Chakma, 22, son of Surendra Lal Chakma, Bandojya Chakma, 25, son
of Buddha Charan Chakma, Meghnad Chakma, 32, son of Kripa Dhan Chakma and Nipon Chakma, 17, son of Kripa Dhan Chakma.
The army also carried out a raid in Headman Para village and beat up four persons. (Please read news No. 23)
According to Alakesh Chakma, a UPDF leader in Kudugcuri (Kudukchari), about one hundred Jummo (Jummas) were tortured for participating in his party’s rally organised yesterday to protest the 17-February settler attacks on two Jummo (Jumma) villages in Longudu.
At least five shops belonging to the Jummo (Jumma) people in Kudugcuri (Kudukchari) bazaar have been looted and damaged, he said.
He further said the army had raided and ransacked the UPDF office yesterday.
“The army pulled down the signboard of the UPDF office, destroyed a computer, a hand mike and a shelf, and then took away all the valuable party documents.” he added.
Of the torture victims, HWF leader Bipasha Chakma was admitted to a hospital in Chittagong.
Her condition has been stated to be critical.
A half-day blockade of roads and waterways called by UPDF is being enforced today.
Arrest
The army arrested five Jummo during its crackdown on the UPDF demonstration yesterday and handed them over to the police.
The arrested Jummo are Barendra Chakma, 32, son of Somacharan Chakma of village Khamar Para, Sapchari (He is an auto rickshaw CNG driver), Rup Moni Chakma, 25, son of Thangulo Chakma of village Khamar Para (He is also a CNG driver), Joybo Chakma, 32, son of Udolya Chakma of village Chongrachari (He is a sweeper at Kudukchari bazaar), Gyana Lal Chakma, 32, son of Juronto Kumar Chakma of village Langel Para, Ghilachari and Shubho Dwip Chakma, 15, son of late Nigira Dhan Chakma (He is a student of class nine in Ghilachari High School).
News No. 25/2011, February 18, 2011
DOZENS more Jummo (Jummas) have been tortured by army in Kudugcuri (Kudukchari), Rangamadtya (Rangamati), sources say.
A group of army personnel from Kudugcuri (Kudukchari) camp raided Khamar Para village in Sapchari at 9:30am today and beat up ten Jumma villagers.
The torture victims are Mongol Das Chakma, 20, son of Koilash Das Chakma, Rupayan Chakma, 25, son of Dharma Chandra Chakma, Tongo Moni Chakma, 45, son of Batya Chakma, Sonaiey Chakma, 17, son of Oro Moni Chakma, Mintu Chakma, 18, son of Kala Ram Chakma, Priti Moy Chakma, 30, son of Binoy Bhushan Chakma, Biton Chakma, 18, son of Moni Chakma, Mongol Raj Chakma, 22, son of Tuttro Chakma, Kishto Raja Chakma, 30, son of Tuttro Chakma and Jamini Chakma, 40.
In a similar raid in the village of Kudugcuri (Kudukchari) Uparpara the army beat up whoever they came across.
Two of their torture victims have been identified as Bhagyo Dhan Chakma, 27, son of Purno Kumar Chakma and Bhadra Sen Chakma alias Phoriya, 22, son of Chondo Chakma.
Panicked, the villagers fled in every direction.
The soldiers then entered the house of Kandor Singh Chakma, the village chief, and took away seven pairs of Burgi (homemade sheets of clothes) from him.
They also broke into the house of Rabi Chandra Chakma in the village and took away four energy saving bulbs.
In an overnight raid last night in the village of Kudukchari Moddyo Para the army tortured five Jumma people.
They are Ranga Chan Chakma son of Chandu Chakma (He is from Naraichari, Dighinala and came to the village to visit his relatives), Sajib Chakma, 22, son of Surendra Lal Chakma, Bandojya Chakma, 25, son
of Buddha Charan Chakma, Meghnad Chakma, 32, son of Kripa Dhan Chakma and Nipon Chakma, 17, son of Kripa Dhan Chakma.
The army also carried out a raid in Headman Para village and beat up four persons. (Please read news No. 23)
According to Alakesh Chakma, a UPDF leader in Kudugcuri (Kudukchari), about one hundred Jummo (Jummas) were tortured for participating in his party’s rally organised yesterday to protest the 17-February settler attacks on two Jummo (Jumma) villages in Longudu.
At least five shops belonging to the Jummo (Jumma) people in Kudugcuri (Kudukchari) bazaar have been looted and damaged, he said.
He further said the army had raided and ransacked the UPDF office yesterday.
“The army pulled down the signboard of the UPDF office, destroyed a computer, a hand mike and a shelf, and then took away all the valuable party documents.” he added.
Of the torture victims, HWF leader Bipasha Chakma was admitted to a hospital in Chittagong.
Her condition has been stated to be critical.
A half-day blockade of roads and waterways called by UPDF is being enforced today.
Arrest
The army arrested five Jummo during its crackdown on the UPDF demonstration yesterday and handed them over to the police.
The arrested Jummo are Barendra Chakma, 32, son of Somacharan Chakma of village Khamar Para, Sapchari (He is an auto rickshaw CNG driver), Rup Moni Chakma, 25, son of Thangulo Chakma of village Khamar Para (He is also a CNG driver), Joybo Chakma, 32, son of Udolya Chakma of village Chongrachari (He is a sweeper at Kudukchari bazaar), Gyana Lal Chakma, 32, son of Juronto Kumar Chakma of village Langel Para, Ghilachari and Shubho Dwip Chakma, 15, son of late Nigira Dhan Chakma (He is a student of class nine in Ghilachari High School).
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Army raid in Kudugcuri (Kudukchari)
chtnews.com
News No. 23/2011, February 18, 2011
THE army is conducting raids and searches in a number of Jumma villages in Kudugcuri (Kudukchari) including Headmanpara, latest reports say. The raids began after nightfall today and are still ongoing (10pm).
At least four persons have reportedly been tortured in Headmanpara village. They are Shukra Raj Chakma, 40, Jyana Raj Chakma, 38, Birendra Chakma alias Jamuro, 30, and Shanti Prio Chakma.
Of them, Shukra Raj and Gyana Raj were arrested and taken away, while the other two have been left behind after beating.
In Kudugcuri (Kudukchari) Moddya Para village three Jummas -- Sajeeb Chakma, Bandojya Chakma and Meghnad Chakma -- have been reportedly tortured.
They were at a tea shop when the army came and beat them.
Huge number of army personnel also took position at different locations in Kudugcuri (Kudukchari) and camped at Kudugcuri (Kudukchari) Residential School, sources said.
At least four persons have reportedly been tortured in Headmanpara village. They are Shukra Raj Chakma, 40, Jyana Raj Chakma, 38, Birendra Chakma alias Jamuro, 30, and Shanti Prio Chakma.
Of them, Shukra Raj and Gyana Raj were arrested and taken away, while the other two have been left behind after beating.
In Kudugcuri (Kudukchari) Moddya Para village three Jummas -- Sajeeb Chakma, Bandojya Chakma and Meghnad Chakma -- have been reportedly tortured.
They were at a tea shop when the army came and beat them.
Huge number of army personnel also took position at different locations in Kudugcuri (Kudukchari) and camped at Kudugcuri (Kudukchari) Residential School, sources said.
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chtnews.com
News No. 198/2010, December 25, 2010
AN army major has ordered Sadhana Tila Buddhist temple to stop all development activities.
Sources say a group of 12 army personnel led by Major Anik from Babuchara army camp raided the temple at 2:30pm today and ordered the stoppage of all construction works there.
The army men also took away about 500 pieces of bricks piled up at the temple.
The stolen bricks, meant for the construction of the temple, have been put under the charge of Commanding Officer of Dighinala Zone, Lt. Col.Shaheen.
The army also ordered the temple management committee to appear at Dighinala zone tommorrow.
The army have been trying to occupy the temple land for a long time. During the state of emergency between 2007 and 2008, it made several unsuccessful attempts to capture it by force.
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Le Palais royal est complètement détruit par un incendie, le 10 novembre 2010. Voici quelques photos:
